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Movimiento Babbar Akali

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El movimiento Babbar Akālī fue una ramificación del movimiento Akali , que hizo campaña por la reforma de los gurdwara a principios de la década de 1920. [ 1 ] [ 2 ] Formado en 1922 a partir de facciones que se escindieron de los Akālīs en 1921, se diferenciaron de los Akālīs por su rechazo a la no violencia y su adhesión a la revuelta armada en la lucha contra el dominio británico. [ 3 ]

Formación

Impulso

El movimiento Akālī, que buscaba liberar los santuarios sij de la administración corrupta, era de carácter y estrategia no violentos. Durante sus campañas, los Akālīs sufrían lesiones físicas y violencia por parte de mercenarios de sacerdotes y autoridades gubernamentales. Las muertes de Akālīs en Tarn Taran en enero de 1921 y en Nankana Sahib en febrero de 1921 radicalizaron a una facción, los Babbar Akalis, que rechazó la no violencia y adoptó medios armados para alcanzar sus objetivos. [ 1 ] [ 2 ]

Primeras reuniones (marzo, mayo de 1921)

Los Babbar Akalis, como un ala disidente, liderada por Master Mota Singh de Patara y Kishan Singh Gargajj , un havildar mayor retirado del 35.º Sikhs , [ 1 ] [ 4 ] hizo su primera aparición formal durante la Conferencia Educativa Sikh celebrada en Hoshiarpur del 19 al 21 de marzo de 1921. [ 5 ]

Durante la ley marcial en el Punjab, Binning comenzó a pronunciar discursos contra el dominio británico mientras estaba en el ejército, por lo que fue sometido a consejo de guerra y condenado a 28 días de confinamiento, tras lo cual dejó el ejército y se unió al movimiento Akali. [ 4 ] Fue por sus discursos que se ganó el nombre de gaṛgajj , o "el trueno". [ 6 ] En una reunión secreta, se decidió vengar la masacre de Nankana Sahib . [ 1 ]

Otra reunión el 21 de mayo de 1921 contó con la asistencia de Master Mota Singh, Kishan Singh Gargajj, Amar Singh Dhaliwal, Tota Singh Peshawari, Gurbachan Singh Ambala, Buttan Singh, Bijla Singh Patiala, Amar Singh de Kot Bare Khan, Chattar Singh, Bela Singh de Paragpur, Ganda Singh y otros, así como varios emigrantes que habían regresado de Canadá . [ 5 ] [ 7 ] Otros incluyeron a Sant Kartar Singh, Babu Santa Singh y Sunder Singh. [ 8 ] Según un informe del CID , sus objetivos eran: [ 9 ]

  • Fomentar un levantamiento en el estado de Patiala ;
  • Intentar contactar con los bolcheviques para sincronizar un levantamiento en la Frontera Noroccidental con el de Patiala;
  • Fomentar disturbios en el centro de Punjab;
  • Reclutar y reunir armas; y
  • Eliminar a los funcionarios e individuos considerados enemigos de la Khalsa.

El comisionado de la división de Lahore, CM King, el superintendente de policía del departamento de inteligencia, JW Bowring, los mahants Devi Das y Basant Das, Sunder Singh Majithia y Kartar Singh Bedi (sobrino de Khem Singh Bedi ) fueron considerados responsables de la masacre de Nankana y fueron seleccionados para ser asesinados, como escarmiento para los colaboradores y como mensaje de desafío a los británicos. [ 9 ] [ 1 ]

Intento de Bowring (mayo de 1921)

Tota Singh Peshawari fue enviado a la Frontera Noroccidental, donde logró adquirir una pequeña colección de armas y municiones. Bela Singh y Ganda Singh visitaron Lahore el 23 de mayo de 1921 para asesinar a Bowring, quien se encontraba fuera de la ciudad ese día. Mientras esperaban en la estación de tren de Lahore para regresar, despertaron sospechas y fueron arrestados por la policía, a la que revelaron el plan durante el interrogatorio. [ 10 ] Como resultado, muchos otros miembros del grupo, incluidos Amar Singh de Kot Bare Khan, Narain Singh, Tota Singh, Chattar Singh Kandhola, Chanchal Singh, Thakur Singh y Shankar Singh, fueron arrestados. Master Mota Singh, Kishan Singh y Bijla Singh lograron evadir a la policía; se emitieron órdenes de arresto contra ellos, así como contra Vatan Singh, Amar Singh de Delhi y Gurbachan Singh. [ 11 ] [ 1 ] [ 4 ]

Al enterarse del plan para vengar Nankana, los líderes Akālī exhortaron a los sijs a no asociarse con tales actividades y a mantener la política de no violencia del SGPC , [ 11 ] que emitió comunicados al respecto. [ 12 ] Sin embargo, a pesar de la prohibición y los arrestos, el programa continuaría. [ 11 ] Rechazarían tanto la política Akālī de sufrimiento pasivo por considerarla inviable, como la estrategia general del Congreso Gandhi de no cooperación no violenta por considerarla limitante de la lucha campesina contra el imperialismo. [ 5 ] Apelando a la marcialidad sij y considerando ineficaz el enfoque Akālī, instaron al pueblo a recurrir a las armas. [ 9 ]

Participación pública

Building on the tentative plan of action, Kishan Singh announced a detailed programme in his speech at a Nimani mela held at Mastuana village in Jind State,[13] during which he was interrupted by the organizer.[14] Invoking the Zafarnama of Guru Gobind Singh, he declared that it was legitimate to resort to arms when peaceful means had failed. There, Karam Singh Babbar also recited the following poem:

The colonial bureaucracy was sought to be paralyzed by targeting its supporters (zaildars, safaidpośes ("white-collars"), lambardars, paṭwārīs (village registrars), informers and other collaborators) with various forms of punishment.[15] Kishan Singh announced his programme of "reforming" those responsible for the Nankana massacre and other atrocities.[8]

The Babbar programme would be centered on ਸੁਧਾਰ sudhār, or "reformation," a euphemism for the elimination of British officials and those deemed their stooges and lackeys, or ਝੋਲੀਚੁੱਕ jholīcukk, meaning "robe-bearer."[1]Jholīcukks were the loyalist elements who were to be pressurized and frightened along with the officials,[3] in the villages.[16]

Composition

The movement had in its ranks many returned emigrants of the Ghadar Party, the prestige of which helped to popularize the Babbar jatthā.[3] Such Ghadarites and emigrants included Karam Singh and Asa Singh.[8] Like the Ghadarites, many Babbars similarly used 0.32 calibre revolvers and Mauser pistols, were believed to have established contact with revolutionary movements abroad, were believed by officials in Punjab to have been receiving funding for revolutionary propaganda from emigrants in the United States and Canada, and travelled throughout the province presenting their views to the populace.[9] Also like the Ghadarites, the sphere of armed Akālī activity was mainly in Jalandhar district and Hoshiarpur district.[3]

Besides them, the Babbars were chiefly retired and demobilized soldiers from World War I. Their time abroad had also exposed them to new ideas and an increasingly self-assured opposition to repressive British imperialism; with this exposure, many found it difficult to return to their traditional family occupation of farming. Many were disgruntled with the British for failing to receive land grants and other rewards in exchange for army service. The Babbars would also come to attract some groups of dacoits or bandits who were inspired to direct their activities towards a cause.[3]

Cakkarvartī dals (November 1921)

Dissident Akālīs would organise themselves into cakkarvartī dals.[5] In November 1921 at Rurka Kalan, Kishan Singh formed a cakkarvartī jatthā[8] along with Sunder Singh Mukhsuspuri and Karam Singh Jhingar,[14] which began to incite the peasantry and soldiery towards revolt, in Jalandhar district, with frequent incursions into the villages of Ambala and Kapurthala State. Karam Singh of Daulatpur,[8] along with Asa Singh,[14] organized a similar band in Hoshiarpur district, in which divans were convened daily in some villages by sympathizers, who was under arrest warrants for seditious speeches.[8]

Meetings (early 1922)

Meetings were held at 1 p.m. and 9 p.m. daily at different villages, resting for the night at yet another village to evade police detection; Kishan Singh Gargajj delivered speeches and Sundar Singh recited revolutionary poetry. In 1922 more meetings were held, in Bolina, Bhojowal, Kotli, Pindori Nijjran,[17]Ramgarh Jandala, Mahilpur, Jiani, Bari Kalan, Sirhala, Bedowal, and Jassowal, in Jalandhar and Hoshiarpur districts, and occasionally at Anandpur Sahib and Kiratpur Sahib. They would also use Akali and Congress meetings to rally people to abandon nonviolence, which was seen as cowardly, including at Khurdpur in March 1922. Their conference at Kot Fatuhi was especially large compared to previous ones, demonstrating their growing influence.[18]

In May 1922, Kishan Singh, Babu Santa Singh and Bela Singh met with soldiers Kirpal Singh Malakpur, Partap Singh Sialkot, Ganga Singh Naik, and other soldiers of 52nd Sikhs at Sant Kartar Singh's hermitage in Jalandhar, who agreed to spread their message and acquire ammunition for them. Kishan Singh and Santa Singh also met students at Khalsa High School in Jalandhar, who offered their services but were told to continue their studies until appropriate. As they continued to spread their message, Sunder Singh was arrested by the people of Sundh village on 11 May 1922, after which Kishan Singh's jatthā attacked its first informer, safaidpoś zaildār Harnam Singh of Mehndipur.[19]

The decision to punish jholīcukks was only taken when the government declared rewards for these rogue Akālīs, incentivising informants upon whom warnings were not effective, and who had begun to discourage people from attending their meetings. On 19 March 1922 a conference was held at Sangowal, which was under heavy police surveillance, where jholīcukks created a disturbance and summoned the police, upon which the Babbars escaped to a well. Afterwards, Kishan Singh, Sunder Singh, Babu Santa Singh, Kartar Singh of Gondpur and Harbans Singh of Sirhala Khurd met at a well between Beas and Sangowal, where it was decided that Babbars should always be armed and jholīcukks punished, starting with notorious ones like Harnam Singh and zaildār Sham Singh of Talhan.[20]

Merging jatthās (August 1922)

Towards the end of August 1922, the various jatthās convened for a general meeting at Sant Thakar Singh's hermitage at Gajowal and merged to officially form the Babbar Akālī Jatthā. A regular working committee was elected to work out a plan of action and collect arms and ammunition. Kishan Singh was chosen as the leader or jathedar, Dalip Singh Gosal as Secretary, and Baba Santa Singh as Treasurer; nominated members included Master Dalip Singh Daulatpur, Karam Singh Jhingar (assistant to the leaders) and Ude Singh Ramgarh Jhuggian (assistant to the leaders),[8] as well as Karam Singh Daulatpur (assistant to the leaders), Assa Singh of Phakarudi, and Atma Singh of Bika.[21] Contacts were sought with active soldiers and students;[1] Kishan Singh canvassed Sikh soldiers at Jalandhar Cantonment seeking to obtain arms and ammunition.[8] Some important Babbar leaders were placed in charge of various Jatthās to organise conferences in different parts of the Panjab and the Sikh States.[8]

The term babbar means "lion",[1] while the historical Akālī was the military order of the Sikhs known as the Akālīs, also known as The Immortals or Nihangs, who under the Sikh Empire had been led by the fiercely anti-British Akali Phula Singh, who also served as a mentor and close advisor in the court of Maharaja Ranjit Singh.[22]

Preparation

Rallying support

The Babbar leaders, ascribing the failure of the Ghadar movement to lack of popular awareness and support, sought to inform and enlist the rural population for their cause before taking action.[15] In November 1921, he met Bhai Sunder Singh Makhsuspuri and Karam Singh Jhingar while in Doaba,[14] and they would form two initial jatthās to travel throughout the province to this end. Religious diwans, or assemblies, were organized, and cyclostyled leaflets were distributed among villagers, who formed the majority of the participants in the Babbar movement, which was greatly sustained by the contempt among Sikh peasantry for British imperialism and its supporters as well as for moneylenders, attacks on whom were driven by economic grievances caused by their exploitation.[15]

Babbar Akālī Doābā (August 1922)

La reunión fundacional también decidió comenzar un documento mimeografiado llamado ਬੱਬਰ ਅਕਾਲੀ ਦੋਆਬਾ Babbar Akālī Doābā , [ 1 ] que hablaba de la explotación extranjera, las desesperadas condiciones económicas del campesinado y la necesidad de expulsar a los británicos por la fuerza. [ 3 ] También llamó la atención del campesinado sij en particular sobre la inutilidad de la pasividad Akālī. Según un informe oficial, el documento "exhortaba a los Akālīs a abandonar las doctrinas no violentas del SGPC y los llamaba a la rebelión, a matar a los extranjeros y a establecer un gobierno libre..." e "incitaba a los soldados a asesinar a sus oficiales europeos". [ 16 ]

El periódico comenzó a aparecer mensualmente a partir de septiembre de 1922. [ 8 ] A Karam Singh Daulatpur, como editor, [ 8 ] se le pidió que preparara una lista de informantes de la policía, colaboradores y otros agentes del gobierno para sancionarlos. [ 8 ] Su jatthā había robado a lambaṛdār Kaka Singh de Bachhauri el 3 de julio ingresos gubernamentales de 575 rupias, que se utilizaron para comprar armas y un ciclostilo. [ 23 ] Publicado con el nombre de Safarī Press ("prensa ambulante") para los primeros números, luego bajo Uḍārū Press ("prensa voladora"), se duplicaba en Gurdwara Kishanpur, Fatehpur Kotli, Jasowal, Kot Fatuhi y Pindori, y se distribuía gratuitamente. [ 23 ] Se compraría otra máquina para satisfacer la demanda. [ 24 ]

Primeras recompensas por arrestos

En respuesta a la difusión de Babbar, el Gobierno estableció asociaciones organizadas por jholīcukks . [ 24 ] Se organizaron Aman Sabhas , o "consejos de paz", y "Comités Sudhār", compuestos por lambaṛdārs , safaidpośes , zaildārs , en las aldeas para contrarrestar la influencia de Babbar. Estos comités caracterizaron el dominio británico en Punjab como una bendición para los aldeanos, y a los británicos como bendecidos por los gurús sij . Exhortaron a los aldeanos a no confiar en la literatura de Babbar y a ayudar al gobierno a aprehenderlos; los aldeanos sospechosos de albergar simpatías por la causa de Babbar fueron acosados ​​e intimidados. [ 25 ] El subsuperintendente de la CID de Khan Bahadur, Mir Fazil Imam, fue enviado por el DIG a Jalandhar, donde informó sobre la gravedad de la situación en Doaba y la atmósfera de miedo entre los jholīcukks . Como resultado, en una conferencia de emergencia celebrada en noviembre de 1922 en Jalandhar, a la que asistieron CW Jacob del ICS , el Comisionado Adjunto FC Isemonger y Mir Fazal Imam, se formularon medidas más estrictas contra los Babbars y se anunciaron mayores recompensas por arrestos el 30 de noviembre: [ 26 ]

  • Kishan Singh Gargaj: Rs. 2.000
  • Karam Singh Daulatpur: Rs. 1.000
  • Karam Singh Jhingar: 500 rupias
  • Dalip Singh Gohgal: 500 rupias
  • Assa Singh: 250 rupias

Se instalaron comisarías en cada aldea para recopilar más información de los jholīcukks y ampliar su red. [ 27 ]

Programa establecido (diciembre de 1922)

A pesar del rechazo de Akālī al programa y las exhortaciones del SGPC, el movimiento atrajo a un número significativo de seguidores entre la población rural sij de Doaba . Como resultado, Jatthedār Kishan Singh convocó las jatthās de Babbar el 25 de diciembre de 1922 en la aldea de Jassowal, a las que asistieron miembros prominentes como Dalip Singh, Karam Singh y Santa Singh, donde declaró que el momento y el ambiente en la región eran favorables para implementar el programa Babbar, así como para prevenir los intentos británicos de sabotaje. La decisión se publicó en el siguiente número de Babbar Akālī Doābā . [ 16 ]

Pronto se celebró allí otra reunión del cuerpo general los días 30 y 31 de diciembre, en la que el comité de trabajo anunció las siguientes decisiones: [ 28 ] [ 29 ]

  • The working committee alone could decide when and by whom a target would be eliminated.[30] Members were not in indulge in personal vendettas,[1] or to initiate an action arbitrarily, though if a member came across a collaborator by chance, it was advisable to assassinate them after considering carefully;
  • Cash and goods of collaborators were not to be lifted unless expressly permitted by the working committee, in which case it was all to be passed on to the jatthās’ common fund to purchase necessary arms, not for personal needs.[1][30]
  • While members were forbidden to touch the belongings of innocents, it was considered permissible to loot the property of the Government and notorious moneylenders.[30]
  • Children of collaborators were not to be touched, nor their women insulted or molested during the course of a Babbar action;[1][30]
  • Only those who could freely execute the orders of the working committee could be members of Babbar jatthās. Those with family encumbrances and other engagements were advised not to join as full members, but to help as sympathizers.[1][30]
  • The earlier decision of chopping off the noses and ears of collaborators was replaced by the new decision to assassinate them, as the former took longer and could be used to turn public sentiment against them;[30]
  • Every assassination was to be announced in a special leaflet with the names of the Babbars responsible.[30]

The members were to regularly recite gurbani, or Sikh scripture. In order to evade police detection and conceal their activities, they developed a secret code. The total number of Babbars barely exceeded 200; even members did not know the exact number. The outer circle of the jatthā consisted of sympathizers who fed and sheltered active members, relayed messages for leaders, arranged divans for itinerant speakers, and distributed leaflets.[1]

In one leaflet, the Babbars made the following appeal to the people of Doābā:

As the Indian movement has subsided, the Tenth Guru has, therefore, in his infinite mercy, sent the Babbar to help the nation out of its critical situation. The Babbar will make his appearance in the Doaba where the Sikh army stands drawn up in battle array. He will expose the secret of the Feringhees who will shriek with pain.

The paper further called upon readers to:

bring about anarchy by means of (double-edged sword), cut down the foreigner and purge the land of sinful deeds... and burn the police stations, plunder the treasuries, place gun powder under the railway lines, raid the magazines, steal arms and sing the song of liberty.

The paper also called upon Hindus and Muslims to join the Khalsa in their struggle.[10]

Activities

The movement was especially active from mid-1922 to the end of 1923.[1]

In addition to setting rules and plans, the 25 December meeting also decided the first target of the Babbars, a paṭwārī of Haripur named Arjan Singh, who was believed to have aided in the arrest of Master Mota Singh. This action was unsuccessful, however, and the first actual victim of the Babbars was zaildār Bishan Singh, a retired official of the Canal Department, who was shot dead on 10 February 1923.[31] Three days later, another supporter of the British, Diwan Singh of Hayatpur was assassinated.[32]

The assassination and the Babbar programme alarmed the authorities, who sent more spies into villages, reassured loyalists of full support, and announced rewards for the arrests of Babbar leaders. Lambaṛdars were instructed to immediately inform the police if a Babbar his location was discovered.[25] After the murder of zaildār Bishan Singh, the police unleashed a wave of repression in Doaba, arresting between five to seven hundred innocent Sikh villagers daily. On 22 February, a Babbar meeting was held at the home of Hardit Singh of Jassowal, where it was decided that the Babbars would announce the names of zaildār's assassins, and individual Babbars would take credit for assassinations to spare villagers from police brutalities,[33] which was finalized on 22 March with the presence of Karam Singh Daulatpur.[34] Four days later, Kishan Singh Gargajj was arrested on information supplied by an informer, Kabul Singh Binning, in a raid at Pindari Mahal village.[33]

March 1923

Official measures against the Babbars escalated in 1923, including police raids at Pindori, Kishanpura, Jassowal, Paragpur, Bika, Rajowal, Kot Fatuhi and Daulatpur,[35] and the arrests of leading Babbars like Kishan Singh on 26 February, Master Mota Singh and Sunder Singh, through tips or betrayals,[25] Assa Singh on 1 March, Amar Singh of Kot Fatuhi on 26 March, Karam Singh Jhingar, and Dalip Singh Gosal on 5 January. Babbar activity would also escalate.[25]

On the night of 2 March 1923, Babu Santa Singh, Banta Singh Dhamian, Sadhu Singh, and Banta Singh Paragpur attacked Jamsher railway station, where stationmaster Chanan Ram and Jamadar Sapuran Singh were falsely charging money from passengers and collaborating with the British. Having previously warned them, the Babbars entered the booking office and their homes, though only obtaining Rs. 30, and they were warned again.[36]

On 11 March 1923, lambaṛdār Buta Singh and his grandson Surjan Singh were shot in Nangal Shama.[25] In this case, while Buta Singh was a CID collaborator who had gotten rich being so, and had proudly collected certificates from government officers, the killing of Surjan Singh and the injury of a Ram Chand in the process was disapproved by the Babbars, who forbade those responsible from entering homes in the future, and relegated them to serving as lookouts.[37]

On 19 March, Labh Singh, an ex-mistrī of the Police Training School, Phillaur who was believed to have aided in Kishan Singh's arrest, was shot dead in Hoshiarpur district. The Babbars claimed credit for these assassinations in an open letter to the governor issued in 22 March, threatening the same for other jholīcukks.[25]

Three attempts were made on Kabul Singh Binning on 14, 17 and 23 March, who escaped each time.[34]

On 22 March, at a meeting at Thakar Singh's hermitage, Karam Singh Daulatpur, Udey Singh and Dhanna Singh Behbalpur claimed the murders up to that point in the letter. It was also decided that no Babbar would offer himself for arrest alive. Copies of the letter were sent to Jalandhar Deputy Commissioner Diwan Durga Das and Minister of Kapurthala State Mian Sahib, and pasted in Pindori Nijjaran and other villages.[34]

On the morning of 27 March, Hazara Singh of Behbalpur was shot,[25] euphemistically reported in the Babbar Akālī Doābā on 14 April as having been given a reward of three "squares of land" (bullets).[38]

April–May 1923

Akali bargain

Like the Akālī leaders and the SGPC, national leaders like Mahatma Gandhi also disapproved of the Babbars[12] as deviating from their policy of nonviolence towards the government.[39] Gandhi had described them as "misguided patriots" and asserted that Babbar assassinations were not acts of heroism. Such stances would encourage British repression of the movement and execution of its leaders.[12]

Following the first successful Babbar assassination of zaildār Bishan Singh, the government cracked down on the Akali movement, initially not differentiating between the mainstream Akalis and the Babbars, until atrocities began to radicalize nonviolent Sikhs against the government.[39] The government then changed course, beginning to distinguish the two groups, and attempting to assure the Akalis that only seditious Sikhs that renounced non-violence were subject to such measures. Akali leaders warned would such measures against mainstream Akalis would push Sikhs further away from nonviolence and demanded a change in policy, which was accepted by the government, under the condition that the SGPC openly condemn the Babbars, and which released prisoners of the Guru-ka-Baghmorcha on 25 April. In return, the SGPC passed a resolution advising Sikhs and Akālī jatthās to disassociate from and refrain from helping those who had abandoned nonviolence.[40]

Seeing this bargain, Babbar leaders like Master Mota Singh, and the nascent Naujawan Sabha charged the SGPC with "giving a green signal to the Panjab Government for the execution of the Babbar Akalis," allowing them a free hand in dealing with Babbar trials, sentences, and executions in exchange for the release of Akālī prisoners.[12]

Declared unlawful

In April 1923, the Babbars were declared an unlawful association[2] under the Criminal Law (Amendment) Act of 1908.[41] The Government then took measures in response to Babbar activity.[41]

On 17 April, retired subedar Gainda Singh Pawar was shot dead in front of his house in Ghurial for actively helping the police arrest Babbars,[42] as well as making the locals of Ghurial bear the expenses for the police established there, as president of the village "peace council".[43]

Between 20–22 April, arrests included Batan Singh, Sadhu Singh and Milkha Singh from Pandori, Hari Singh and Labh Singh from Jassowal, Bela Singh and Sadhu Singh from Paragpur, Ujjagar Singh Birampur, Sunder Singh Kot Fatuhi, Gurbachan Singh Sadhara, Sant Mit Singh Kishanpura and Nand Singh Ghurial.[38]

On 25 April, the government announced a reward of six squares of land to anyone aiding the arrests of the Babbars involved in the murders of zaildār Bishan Singh, lambaṛdār Buta Singh, mistrī Labh Singh, safaidpoś Hazara Singh and subedār Gainda Singh.[38]

More arrests would occur during the following weeks: Waryam Singh of Kot Fatuhi, Shiv Singh of Haripur and Amar Singh of Pindori Nijjaran on 27 April, Dalip "Dalipa" Singh of Dhamian on 28 April, Piara Singh of Dhamian on 1 May, and Sant Thakar Singh Rajowal and Banta Singh of Paragpur were arrested on 5 May. Thakar Singh, Harnam Singh of Pandori Nijjran, and Atma Singh of Bika were arrested on 6 May, and Prem Singh of Paragpur on 12 May.[35]

On 12 May 1923 Karam Singh of Manko was arrested at Jalandhar Railway Station with the help of Anup Singh of Manko, informer of the police. According to the Akālī-te-Pardesī newspaper of Amritsar on 15 May, there were 21 arrests.[35]

On 15 May, under a new commissioner,[35] a joint force of military and special police was created to seize Babbars sheltering themselves in the Sivalik Hills.[1]CID staff was deputed to assist the local police in arresting Babbar leaders, with a force of 50 regular police moved to Jalandhar. Units of a specially assembled force including 250 infantry and 50 cavalry were stationed at strategic points in active areas, accompanied by magistrates and a squadron of armored fighting vehicles.[1][41] Airplanes were flown over the affected areas every two weeks scattering propaganda leaflets to restore morale among the loyalist elements in the countryside.[41][1] A punitive police tax was imposed upon, and disciplinary action taken against, civil and military pensioners who harbored or sympathized with Babbars.[1]

These measures helped in curbing the movement, and along with arrests and deaths of Babbars in police encounters, would deplete its ranks.[1]

Summer 1923

On 27 May, Chaudhari Ralla Ram and his brother Ditta of Kaulgarh village, Hoshiarpur District,[25] who were CID and police informers, were assassinated by a team composed of Karam Singh Daulatpur, Dhanna Singh of Behbalpur, Udey Singh Ramgarh, Banta Singh Dhamian, Dalip Singh Dhamian, Babu Santa Singh, Anup Singh of Manko, Dhanna Singh of Kotli Bawa Das, and Bishan Singh of Magat, Ludhiana.

Sūbedār Sunder Singh Randhawa, who had enrolled five people, including his son, as special constables against the Babbars, was targeted nest, but managed to escape. Paṭwārī Atta Muhammad of Nanda Chaur, an informer, was assassinated on 6 June by Banta Singh, Dalip Singh Dhamian, and Dhanna Singh of Kotli Bawa Das. On 15/16 July, Bishan Singh of Sandhara escaped with serious injuries.[42]

Police response

La ola de asesinatos alarmó tanto a las autoridades como a los elementos leales, y un informe oficial relata que "varios funcionarios de aldea y otros leales temían por sus vidas y muchos de ellos expresaron su ansiedad por renunciar a sus cargos". Siguiendo el consejo del Comisionado Adjunto de Jalandhar, el DIG de Policía designó a Khan Bahadur Sheikh Abdul Aziz, Superintendente de Policía de la CID, para trabajar en enlace con la policía de Jalandhar para pacificar la zona. En el informe que Abdul Aziz envió al DIG de la CID, escribió un relato detallado de los asesinatos, enfatizando el pánico que habían creado en las aldeas. Sobre los asesinatos de Kaulgarh, escribió [ 39 ]

"Lo más sorprendente de este atentado es que, si bien los culpables permanecieron allí durante unas 11 horas, en la madrugada, cuando todo el pueblo, compuesto por unas 100 casas, estaba despierto, ni un solo hombre se presentó para ayudar a las víctimas; los vecinos se encerraron en sus casas. Esto se debió, creo, al pánico que se generó ante la aparición de la banda, desesperada y de mala fama, algunos de cuyos miembros estaban armados con pistolas." [ 41 ]

Las autoridades emitieron licencias de armas y prepararon una lista de presuntos partidarios de Babbar. [ 34 ] Sin inmutarse por los arrestos y muertes de líderes, el programa de Babbar continuó. [ 44 ] El considerable apoyo de los campesinos locales a la guerrilla quedó demostrado por la facilidad de sus operaciones y la falta general de cooperación local con la policía. [ 3 ] Las medidas represivas contra los simpatizantes en Doaba reforzaron su argumento contra la ineficacia de la no violencia Akālī. Babbar Akālī Doābā continuó incitando a los soldados a asesinar a sus oficiales y a la población a atacar a los extranjeros y establecer un gobierno libre. [ 44 ]

Actividad adicional

Los asesinatos de Babbar y las amenazas en sus publicaciones alarmaron a Londres, donde los parlamentarios expresaron su preocupación por el orden público en Punjab y la seguridad de los funcionarios. El gobierno de Punjab fue criticado por su supuesta laxitud y la reducción del número de policías.

On 4 June 1923, Charles Yate, describing the Babbar programme to the House of Commons, sought a government statement on the Punjab situation. A motion was again tabled on 14 June in the British Parliament regarding the Babbars, but was shelved by the Secretary of State of India for lack of sufficient information on it, other than fortnightly reports on the Punjab situation sent to London, and on the grounds that Babbar activities, which would be the basis of judicial proceedings against them, would in the meantime not be commented upon. He sent an urgent telegram requested a detailed history of the movement. He would try to allay fears over the safety of Europeans in Punjab by quoting anti-Babbar measures implemented by the Punjab Government in one of their letters, and suggesting more active steps against the Babbars. The Government would adopt more such measures.[44]

Martyr Kishan Singh Gargaj

In the second week of June 1923, Babu Santa Singh, Dalip Singh Dhamian, Banta Singh Dhamian, Anup Singh Manko and Dhanna Singh of Kotli Bawa Dass hid out in Malwa. Babu Santa Singh was arrested at Tapa Railway Station on 20 June by Mir Fazal Imam, on the basis of information from Sant Kartar Singh. Documents were recovered from Babu Santa Singh, including a letter, addressed to Jawala Singh and Bhagwan Singh of Fatehpur Kothi in Hoshiarpur, which referred to the Uḍārū Press cyclostyle. Bhagwan Singh was arrested, and the cyclostyle confiscated, in a resulting raid in the village, while Jawala Singh escaped.[45][12]

Babu Santa Singh himself turned state's evidence under custody, with nine other Babbars arrested with his information,[45] including Banta Singh Behbalpur on 28 August, Milkha Singh Moranwali, Besant Singh of Randhawa Masandan, Chhaja Singh Masanian, and Bawa Singh and Udham Singh of Pindori Nijjran on 1 September, Munsha Singh Johal on 4 September, Amar Singh Rajowal 6 September, Partap Singh Sialkot on 7 September, Wattan Singh Ganeshpur and Thakar Singh Bharta on 9 September 1923.[46] Arrested Babbars were subjected to physical tortures, some of whom as a result disclosing information and statements about other Babbars and their movements.[45]

On 8 August, the Government issued a third proclamation for arrests of fugitive Babbars, with the following rewards:[47][48]

  • Karam Singh Daulatpur: Rs. 3000
  • Udey Singh of Ramgarh: Jhuggian Rs. 2000
  • Dhanna Singh Behbalpur: Rs. 2000
  • Banta Singh Dhamian: Rs. 1000
  • Dalip Singh Dhamian: Rs. 1000
  • Waryam Singh Dhugga: Rs. 1000
  • Dhanna Singh Kotli Bawa Dass: Rs. 500
  • Anup Singh Manko: Rs. 500
  • Bishan Singh Mangat: Rs. 400
  • Buta Singh Pindori Nijjaran: Rs. 200

Through informers, Buta Singh Pindori was arrested on 14 August.[47] Other arrests included Kirpal Singh Malakwal on 18 September, Narain Singh Chattiwind on 19th October, and Man Singh Gujranwala on October 26.[46]

Important Babbar hideouts at Pandori Nijran, Kishanpur, Jassowal, Paragpur, Kot Fatuhi and Daulatpur were located and raided, resulting in 186 arrests, including 25 of those suspected of complicity in murders. From the collected information and statements, police were able to trace and arrest remaining Babbar leaders, including Babu Santa Singh and Dalip Singh Dhamian.[12]

Saboteurs

In addition, monetary rewards were announced to further incentivize quick arrests of Babbar leaders, and jagirs and money were promised in exchange for useful information from their relations, cooperating with whom certain Babbars were induced to become informers, including the cases of Anup Singh and Jawala Singh.

Anup Singh Manko

On 31 August 1923, Karam Singh Daulatpur, Udai Singh of Rampur Jhuggian, Bishan Singh Mangat, Mohinder Singh of Pindori, Ganga Singh, and Anup Singh Manko were travelling from Domeli to stay at Babeli for the afternoon. Anup Singh Manko, a recent Babbar entrant, was swayed by gold and the influence of his wife and family, and informed the police of their location, having destroyed the party’s ammunition with the exception of the gun Karam Singh Daulatpur carried on him. The group was surrounded by the police in Babeli the next morning. Police Superintendent Smith, seeking their live capture, unsuccessfully tried to persuade them to surrender. Upon noticing the police approaching, they headed towards Gurdwara Chaunta Sahib across a small stream. Karam Singh continued firing in order to stave off the police. As they entered the stream, the police opened fire and Karam Singh, Udai Singh, Mohinder Singh and Bishan Singh were shot dead.[49][50]

Jawala Singh

Dhanna Singh, otro importante líder babbar, fue traicionado de manera similar por uno de sus asociados, Jawala Singh, quien lo alojaba esa noche. Dhanna Singh había sido enviado a la aldea de Mannanhana el 24 de octubre de 1923 para preguntar por otro líder babbar, Dalip Singh de Dhamian Kalan. Mientras Dhanna Singh dormía, Jawala Singh dañó sus armas e informó a la policía. El superintendente de policía de Hoshiarpur, AF Horton, el superintendente adjunto WNP Jenkin y 38 oficiales y soldados llegaron a la casa a medianoche del 25 de octubre. La fuerza rodeó la casa y entró por la fuerza. Tras una larga lucha, Dhanna Singh fue arrestado y esposado. Horton se burló de Dhanna Singh, diciéndole que en realidad había sido arrestado con vida, mientras juraba lo contrario. Estaba a punto de ser registrado cuando logró detonar un explosivo en su bolsillo, destrozándole el costado derecho y matándolo instantáneamente. Cinco policías también murieron instantáneamente en la explosión, y otro falleció posteriormente en el hospital. Horton y Jenkin, junto con cuatro inspectores, resultaron gravemente heridos; Horton murió de hemorragia interna la mañana del 3 de noviembre de 1923. [ 49 ] [ 51 ]

Ensayo

Portada de la revista 'Babar Sher', edición del 12 de marzo de 1926. En esta edición se publica una entrevista a seis miembros de Babbar Akālīs realizada un día antes de su martirio.

A mediados de junio de 1924, todos los babbars importantes habían muerto en enfrentamientos con la policía o habían sido hechos prisioneros. [ 12 ] El movimiento prácticamente terminó cuando Waryam Singh Dhugga fue localizado y abatido a tiros por la policía en el distrito de Lyallpur en junio de 1924. [ 1 ]

El proceso judicial contra los Babbars detenidos comenzó el 15 de agosto de 1923 en la cárcel de Kot Lakhpat en Lahore , con 62 acusados ​​inicialmente y 36 más añadidos en enero de 1924. De ellos, 2 murieron durante las investigaciones y 5 fueron absueltos por los magistrados; los 91 restantes fueron remitidos a las sesiones en abril de 1924. El total de arrestos ascendió a 226, de los cuales 104 estuvieron presentes a puerta cerrada. El juez de sesiones adicional JKM Tapp, designado para juzgar casos de conspiración, abrió el proceso el 2 de junio de 1924, asistido por cuatro asesores, con Diwan Bahadur Pindi Das Sabharwal como fiscal especial. Se instruyó a los acusados ​​para que eligieran abogados defensores, aunque algunos, incluidos Kishan Singh, Sunder Singh Makhsuspuri, Dalip Singh Sandhra, Karam Singh y Babu Santa Singh, no tuvieron representación, decidiendo no cooperar con el gobierno en el proceso judicial.

The prosecution produced 447 witnesses, 734 documents and 228 other exhibits as evidence. The judgement was delivered on 28 February 1925. Of the 91 accused, including 17 informers and 15 fugitives, two had died in jail during trial, 34 were acquitted, 5 were sentenced to death, and the remaining 49 were sentenced to varying terms of imprisonment, including 11 to life imprisonment. The government and police were not satisfied with the sentences, and filed a revision petition in the High Court, headed by Judges Boardway and Harrison, which overruled the Sessions Court judgement on a few points, but upheld the death sentences.[1][52]

Five Babbars would pass away during trial, while eight would die fighting in police encounters. One Babbar, mistrī Amar Singh, was never arrested.[53]

Death sentences

In the final judgment delivered on 19 January 1926, six Babbars were condemned to death and 13 to life imprisonment, with 29 sentenced to various prison terms and 40 acquittals. Kishan Singh Gargajj, Babu Santa Singh, Dalip Singh Dhamian, Karam Singh Manko, Nand Singh Ghurial and Dharam Singh Hayatpur were hanged on 27 February 1926.[1][52]

After the movement

Sikh men aboard the S.S. Komagata Maru, including Gurdit Singh and his son Balwant.

Several Babbars acquitted by the court continued their activities after the movement was suppressed.[53] In 1933, safaidpoś Bela Singh Jian, who had killed two Ghadarites and collaborated with William C. Hopkinson in infiltrating the Ghadar Movement and in the Komagata Maru incident, was killed by a team consisting of Hari Singh of Sundh, Ishar Singh of Jandoli, Bakhshish Singh of Chabbewal, and Hazara Singh of Maki.[54] In 1936, Anup Singh Manko, the turncoat who had caused the death of Karam Singh Daulatpur of Babbar Akālī Doābā, was assassinated by Gurdit Singh, Kartar Singh Kirti and Ujagar Singh, who was one of the youngest Babbars.[55][56] On 25 March 1940, Bachitter Singh and Ajaib Singh assassinated Karam Singh of Mannanhana, who had gotten Dhanna Singh of Behbalpur killed.[57] This action would conclude Babbar activities, as Babbar remnants would split and join other groups and factions.[58]

Legacy

Despite mainstream Akālī disavowals, the Babbar movement contributed to the Akālī movement by increasing Akālī bargaining power with its campaign against the colonial bureaucracy and its supporters, compelling the Government to come to terms with them, and weakening opposition to the Akālīs by vested interests in the villages.[15] Though their revolutionary scope has been described as "limited," assassinating relatively few zaildārs, lambaṛdārs, police informants and moneylenders instead of potentially organizing rural support into a broader front against the feudal system and its British enablement,[15] the Babbars did emphasize the economic grievances of the peasantry, unlike the Akālīs, and placed much greater emphasis on the anti-British part of their objectives than many mainstream Akālīs, while continuing to support gurdwara reform.[3]

The Babbar Akālīs were strongly attached to their Sikh faith,[1] with their ideological discourse filled with religious imagery, notions of the loss of Sikh sovereignty, and the need to assert Sikh identity. As such, they were part of the transitional stage of contemporary anti-colonial peasant-based movements towards further ideological development, which was needed for such movements to evolve the sophistication necessary for handling modern complexities.[3]

With the end of the Akālī movement, Sikh resistance elements found outlets through organisations like Bhagat Singh's Naujawan Sabha and the Kirti Kisan Party of Sohan Singh Josh and other leftists;[15] both movements in the Punjab owed their militant policy and tactics to the Babbar campaign.[1] The movement forms part of the legacy of resistance of the Doaba region, especially that of the Hoshiarpur district, from where most of the Ghadarites and Babbar Akālīs hailed, and which would be active during the later insurgency.[15] The Babbar Akālī Jatthā left a permanent mark on Sikh history and the national independence movement.[1]

Babbar Khalsa International was established in an attempt to emulate the Babbar Akalis.

List of engagements

See also

Bibliography

  • Singh, Bhupinder (2011). "5: The Babbar Akali Lehar". The Anti-British Movements from Gadar Lehar to Kirti Kisan Lehar: 1913–1939. Patiala: Punjabi University. pp. 227–259.
  • Singh, Mohinder (1988). "7: The Politics of Terrorism". The Akali Struggle: A Retrospect. Atlantic Publishers and Distributors. pp. 119–132. ISBN 9788171562695.
  • Nijjar, Bakhshish Singh (1987). History of the Babar Akalis. ABS Publications. ISBN 9788170720102.
  • Kaur, Gurinder (September 2018). "The Babbar Akalis of Hoshiarpur"(PDF). Research Guru: Online Journal of Multidisciplinary Subjects. 12 (2): 366–370. ISSN 2349-266X.

References

  1. 123456789101112131415161718192021222324252627Zīrā, Gurcharan Siṅgh (2002). "Babar Akālī Movement". In Siṅgh, Harbans (ed.). Encyclopedia of Sikhism. Vol. I (A–D) (4th ed.). Patiala: Punjab University. pp. 236–238. ISBN 9788173801006.
  2. 123Singha, H. S. (2005). The Encyclopedia of Sikhism (over 1000 entries). Hemkunt Publishers Ltd. p. 26. ISBN 9788170103011.
  3. 123456789Mukherjee, Mridula (2004-09-22). Peasants in India's non-violent revolution: practice and theory. SAGE. pp. 35–36. ISBN 978-0-7619-9686-6. Retrieved 17 December 2011.
  4. 123Singh 2011, p. 231.
  5. 1234Singh 1988, p. 119.
  6. ↑Banerji, Aparna (7 March 2026). "Babbar Akali Movement: Sikh men who 'thundered' against British". Tribune India. Tribune News Service.
  7. ↑Singh 2011, p. 229.
  8. 123456789101112Singh 1988, p. 123.
  9. 1234Singh 1988, p. 120.
  10. 12Singh 1988, p. 121.
  11. 123Singh 1988, p. 122.
  12. 1234567Singh 1988, p. 130.
  13. 12Singh 1988, pp. 122–123.
  14. 1234Singh 2011, p. 232.
  15. 1234567Singh 1988, p. 131.
  16. 123Singh 1988, p. 124.
  17. ↑Singh 2011, p. 233.
  18. ↑Singh 2011, p. 234.
  19. ↑Singh 2011, p. 236.
  20. ↑Singh 2011, p. 235.
  21. ↑Singh 2011, p. 238.
  22. ↑Choudhary, Darshan Lal; Choudhary, D. L. (1986). Violence in the freedom movement of Punjab: 1907-1942. Delhi: B. R. Publ. Corp. ISBN 978-81-7018-332-7.
  23. 12Singh 2011, p. 237.
  24. 12Singh 2011, p. 240.
  25. 12345678Singh 1988, p. 126.
  26. ↑Singh 2011, p. 241.
  27. ↑Singh 2011, p. 242.
  28. ↑Singh 2011, p. 243.
  29. ↑Nijjar 1987, p. 117.
  30. 1234567Singh 1988, pp. 124–125.
  31. ↑Singh 1988, p. 125.
  32. ↑Singh 2011, p. 245.
  33. 12Singh 2011, p. 246.
  34. 1234Singh 2011, p. 248.
  35. 1234Singh 2011, p. 251.
  36. ↑Singh 2011, pp. 246–247.
  37. ↑Nijjar 1987, p. 146.
  38. 123Singh 2011, p. 250.
  39. 123Singh 2011, p. 253.
  40. ↑Singh 2011, p. 254.
  41. 12345Singh 1988, p. 127.
  42. 12Singh 2011, p. 252.
  43. ↑Nijjar 1987, p. 166.
  44. 123Singh 1988, p. 129.
  45. 123Singh 2011, p. 255.
  46. 12Singh 2011, p. 257.
  47. 12Singh 2011, p. 256.
  48. ↑Nijjar 1987, p. 95.
  49. 12Singh 1988, p. 128.
  50. ↑Singh 2011, pp. 257–258.
  51. ↑Singh 2011, pp. 258–259.
  52. 12Singh 2011, pp. 260–261.
  53. 12Singh 2011, p. 262.
  54. ↑Nijjar 1987, p. 260.
  55. ↑Nijjar 1987, p. 265.
  56. ↑Nijjar 1987, p. 502.
  57. ↑Nijjar 1987, p. 507.
  58. ↑Nijjar 1987, p. 508.

Further reading

  • Babbar Akali Movement