Howiesons Poort (also called HP) is a technological and cultural period characterized by material evidence with shared design features found in South Africa, Lesotho, and Namibia.[1] It was named after the Howieson's Poort Shelter archaeological site near Grahamstown in South Africa, where the first assemblage of these tools was discovered.[2] Howiesons Poort is believed, based on chronological comparisons between many sites, to have started around 64.8 thousand years ago and ended around 59.5 thousand years ago.[1] It is considered to be a technocomplex, or a cultural period in archaeology classified by distinct and specific technological materials. Howiesons Poort is notable for its relatively complex tools, technological innovations, and cultural objects evidencing symbolic expression. One site in particular, Sibudu Cave, provides one of the key reference sequences for Howiesons Poort.[3] Howiesons Poort assemblages are primarily found at sites south of the Limpopo River.[2]
While the emergence of this techno-complex is still highly debated, one leading hypothesis postulates that it emerged during a period of harsh environmental conditions and unpredictable landscapes,[4] which may have spurned inhabitants to develop more complex tools and social structures as an adaptive response. Humans of this period as in the earlier Stillbay period showed signs of having practiced symbolic behaviors and having engaged in between-group exchanges of backed tools for the proposed function of solidifying bonds and strengthening social networks.[5]
Many of the tools associated with Howiesons Poort resemble and seemingly anticipate many tool styles that do not appear again until far later in the archaeological record.[6] The succeeding period, the "post-Howiesons Poort", lacks many of the complex technologies that characterize Howiesons Poort. While there is no universally agreed-upon explanation as to why this happened, there are several leading proposed theories, some of which involve shifts in resource availability and foraging strategies.[4]
Discovery
Artifacts associated with Howiesons Poort were first described in 1927 by Reverend P. Stapleton, a Jesuit schoolteacher at St Aidan's College, and John Hewitt, a zoologist and director of the local Albany museum.[7][8] The two were excavating a rock shelter in the eastern Cape (later named the Howiesons Poort Rock Shelter) when they discovered an assemblage consisting of "burins, large segments, obliquely pointed blades, and trimmed points."[2] Stapleton and Hewitt had meant to name the poort after a Mr. Howison, but they misspelled it "Howieson" in their publication.[7] This name stuck and has been used with this spelling ever since.[9]
Due to its affinities to Later Stone Agemicroliths and Upper Paleolithic tools, Howiesons Poort was originally proposed to be a variety of Magosian tools produced during a transition between the Middle Stone Age and the Later Stone Age.[10] This transitional theory, however, was discredited during an excavation of Klasies River Caves undertaken by Ronald Singer and John J. Wymer in 1967-8.[11] During the excavation, they uncovered key reference stratigraphic layers which showed that Howiesons Poort materials were situated both before and after Middle Stone Age layers. This finding not only contradicts the notion of Howiesons Poort as a transitional technocomplex, but pushes back the dates for these so-called "advanced" technologies.
Paleoenvironment
Sites that contain Howiesons Poort assemblages are spread geographically throughout southern Africa, encompassing a variety of environments that include coastal, near-coastal, inland and mountainous.[12] Based on an analysis of faunal remains at Klipdrift Shelter, Jerome P. Reynard et al. (2016) have proposed an environmental shift during the period, from a mixed-terrain context during early Howiesons Poort to open grasslands in mid-to-later Howiesons Poort.[13] Upon an analysis of the frequency of faunal remains, the team found increased levels of human occupation during the period of open grasslands.
Southern African regional marine and terrestrial data indicate that Marine Isotope Stage 4, which encapsulates the known dates for Howiesons Poort,[14] was a period of cool and moist climates.[15] Macrofaunal data from Sibudu Cave indicate that inhabitants of the cave were hunting animals that occupied closed or semi closed environments, pointing to an access to forests.[15] There is, however, small but significant frequencies of the faunal remains of grazers, which indicates that the inhabitants of the cave also had some access to grasslands. Therefore, there is evidence that the changing of the climate into moister conditions resulted in the development of more extensive forests, at least in the near-coastal region which includes Sibudu Cave, without completely eliminating more open savannah woodlands.
Date
The date range for Howiesons Poort has been debated. During their 1965 excavation of the name site, archaeologists Janette Deacon and Hilary Deacon dated charcoal remains using radiocarbon dating to 19,000-4,000 years ago. However, this does not match the dates ascertained for Howiesons Poort materials at other sites, which were dated to much older time ranges.[16] While relative dating using the stratigraphic layers at this site appeared simple to the archaeologists at first, J. Deacon noted that the range of dates contradicted those at other sites where other Howiesons Poort assemblages had been found. Deacon concluded that all Howiesons Poort materials date to beyond the range of radiocarbon dating, meaning that they are all at least 50,000 years old.[17]
This is consistent with later dates obtained at sites along the coastline of South Africa, near-coastal areas, as well as sites at Lesotho and Namibia, which came to light with the advent of optically stimulated luminescence, which dates the Howiesons Poort layers to between 64.8 and 59.5 thousand years ago.[18] This date matches the oxygen isotope stageOIS4, which was a period of aridity and lowering of sea levels in southern Africa. This study also points out that these dates indicate that Howiesons Poort only lasted for around 5,000 years and occurred during a genetic bottleneck that took place in Africa 60,000-80,000 years ago which was accompanied by an expansion of modern human populations out of the continent.
These dates, which were obtained by a group led by researcher Zenobia Jacobs, have been contested by contrasting dates reported by researcher Chantal Tribolo. While Jacobs used OSL (optically stimulated luminescence), which dates the last time sediment was exposed to light before being buried,[19] Tribolo used thermoluminescence, which dates the last time a material was subjected to extreme heat.[20] This method of dating pushes back the proposed ages of Howiesons Poort to 55 to 80 thousand years ago, which would make it significantly older than previously believed.[21] In response, Jacobs and Richard G. Roberts reran their methods and reported new ages with smaller error margins.[22] The ages they reported in this study were consistent with their old ones, and did not match Tribolo and colleagues' 2008 reported ages.
Technology

Typology
Many Howiesons Poort assemblages, such as the ones found at Klasies River, are characterized by backed tool.[2] Backed tools have had an edge intentionally blunted by the removal of many small flakes.[23] There is also evidence of the recurring practice of shortening blades into a trapeze-like shape.[2] There are several possible benefits of backing pieces, including facilitating hand grip as well as hafting. A 2022 experimental study run by a group led by researcher Justin Pargeter, however, found that backed stone tools were less successfully stuck to wooden shafts than were non-backed tools.[24] This contradicts the hypothesis that tools were backed for hafting and suggests alternative reasons, such as potential symbolic functions.[25][26]
Hay niveles relativamente altos de variabilidad entre sitios en términos de frecuencias de tipología de herramientas, incluso para sitios que están geográficamente cerca unos de otros. [ 27 ] Mientras que los sitios de Border Cave, Klasies River y Nelson Bay Cave tienen muchos segmentos y trapecios, Rose Cottage Cave destaca por tener muy pocos. [ 27 ] Los conjuntos de Rose Cottage parecen estar dominados por la presencia de hojas con dorso, que también son comunes en los otros tres sitios pero en menor medida. [ 2 ] Ni Rose Cottage Cave, ni Sibudu Cave, ni Klasies River Cave tienen muchas puntas o raspadores, que son comunes en sitios como Montagu Cave [ 28 ] y Umhlatuzana. [ 29 ]
Herramientas con mango
El análisis de microrresiduos en herramientas de piedra de Howiesons Poort, como las de los yacimientos de KwaZulu-Natal , muestra evidencia del uso de ocre como adhesivo orgánico para el enmangado . [ 30 ] En el pasado, el ocre se ha considerado evidencia de las primeras manifestaciones humanas de comportamiento simbólico, [ 31 ] y se ha encontrado extensamente en muchos yacimientos asociados con Howiesons Poort, como Apollo 11 , Boomplaas , Border Cave , Sibudu y otros. [ 30 ] Sin embargo, este análisis de microrresiduos indica que el ocre se usó no solo con fines simbólicos, sino también como un dispositivo funcional para la fabricación de herramientas complejas. Los experimentos de replicación han demostrado que el ocre es un agente de carga útil para la adhesión; sin embargo, existen otros ingredientes alternativos que las personas durante el Paleolítico Medio probablemente conocían y podrían haber estado usando en su lugar. [ 32 ]
Materias primas
Los conjuntos de Howiesons Poort muestran un mayor uso de cuarzo y otros materiales de grano fino. [ 2 ] En Klasies River, la cuarcita de origen local se utilizó principalmente durante la mayor parte del Paleolítico Medio. Sin embargo, dentro de las capas de Howiesons Poort, hay una diversidad de materia prima considerablemente mayor debido a las adiciones de cuarzo, silcreta, corneana y calcedonia. [ 2 ] Como el afloramiento de silcreta más cercano a Klasies River está a más de 20 kilómetros de distancia, hay evidencia de obtención y transporte de materia prima no local. Un análisis de los núcleos encontrados en este sitio muestra que los núcleos que no son de cuarcita parecen ser más pequeños y delgados, lo que implica un mayor grado de reducción para la no cuarcita que para la cuarcita. [ 33 ] [ 34 ]
En la mayoría de los yacimientos, se observa una clara preferencia de los talladores de Howiesons Poort por el uso de materiales de grano fino, como cuarzo y silcreta, para producir las pequeñas hojas y herramientas con dorso que se encuentran en los conjuntos. Esto llevó a los investigadores a proponer que Howiesons Poort coincidió con un período de mayor movilidad. [ 35 ] [ 36 ] Sin embargo, la materia prima principal encontrada en los conjuntos de Umhlatuzana es cuarzo de veta disponible localmente, [ 29 ] y la mayoría de las herramientas con dorso en la cueva de Sibudu están hechas de materias primas locales como corneana y dolerita, mientras que solo unas pocas están hechas de cuarzo. [ 37 ]
Hueso y asta
El descubrimiento de puntas de hueso en las capas de Howiesons Poort en la cueva de Sibudu , en Sudáfrica, ha ampliado los tipos de herramientas confirmados para el tecnocomplejo y ha aumentado la variedad de innovaciones tecnológicas asociadas con el Paleolítico Medio. [ 38 ] Se encontró que las puntas, y una pieza de hueso pulida con forma de espátula, tenían más de ~61 000 años. [ 38 ] Estudios experimentales han demostrado que la pieza pulida tiene marcas de desgaste de uso similares a las de los huesos utilizados para trabajar pieles de animales.
Recolección de alimentos y dietas
Las herramientas que caracterizan a Howiesons Poort son altamente especializadas y confiables, lo que ha llevado a los investigadores a proponer que el tecnocomplejo surgió durante un tiempo de búsqueda planificada y estratégica de recursos predecibles, conocidos y localizados. [ 39 ] Los recolectores probablemente apuntaban a los recursos mediante el conocimiento de los cambios ecológicos estacionales. [ 39 ] Esto también es indicativo de viajes de caza a mayores distancias diseñados para apuntar a grupos de recursos de manera especializada. [ 40 ] Esta estrategia probablemente estuvo acompañada de estructuras sociales más complejas e instancias más frecuentes de intercambio de información sobre el entorno, [ 39 ] lo que mitiga el riesgo durante la búsqueda de alimento y también se evidencia en los descubrimientos de objetos simbólicos vistos con los conjuntos de Howiesons Poort. [ 5 ] [ 41 ] [ 42 ] [ 25 ] Los grupos participaban en el intercambio de herramientas de caza, lo que ayudó a mantener las redes sociales y el intercambio de información en medio de un clima difícil. [ 5 ]
Faunal analysis of the Howiesons Poort layers at Sibudu Cave show a high frequency of small animals as well as animals that prefer forested environments (such as blue duikers and bushpigs), while the post-Howiesons Poort layers show a greater abundance of open-environment fauna.[43] The focus on small bovids (although other small mammals and suids are also found[43]) indicates specialized hunting strategies, which have been proposed to have been in the form of snares and traps[44] or an early instance of the bow and arrow.[45]
Evidence for Symbolic Behavior
Like the earlier Stillbay industry, creators of Howiesons Poort artifacts seem to have engaged in symbolic behavior, having left behind engraved ochre, ostrich eggshells and shell beads.[46][47] There is a particularly abundant and diverse use of ochre as a pigment for objects or skin, which has been interpreted as reflecting an increasingly complex symbolic culture.[48]
Researcher Sarah Wurz noted that "Not only was ochre collected and returned to the site but there is evidence in the ochre 'pencils' with ground facets that it was powdered for use. Ochre may have had many uses but the possibility that it was used as a body paint, and therefore had served a symbolic purpose."[25]
At Diepkloof and Klipdrift, there is evidence of engraved ostrich eggshell containers.[46] These were likely used to store water. At Diepkloof, these materials are found in at least eighteen different stratigraphic layers, indicating that this was a tradition that was passed down for thousands of years at the site.[40]
Notched bone pieces have been found at sites such as Klasies River, Sibudu Cave, and Apollo 11.[40] Additionally, a bone pin was found at Sibudu Cave and dates to around 26,000-35,000 years ago.[49][50]
At Border Cave, the remains of a four to six-month-old infant were found along with a shell.[51] The shell appears to have been perforated in order for it to hang.[52] This finding has been interpreted as the oldest discovered modern human burial in Africa and the earliest instance of a human buried with personal ornamentation.[52]
Transition to Post-Howiesons
Interestingly, the end of the Howiesons Poort period is marked by a movement toward tool simplification and decreasing technological complexity.[4] There is an absence of backed tools during this period as well as less strategic core reduction and unstandardized subsequent blanks.[4][53] Assemblages that have been found consist mostly of unifacial flakes and scrapers.[54] There are several hypotheses as to why tool technology seemed to become less sophisticated during this time.[4]
Mobility Shift
One theory purports that this period was marked by an increase in residential mobility, and so the costs of investing time into carefully crafting tools began to outweigh the benefits of having a complex toolkit.[4] When much time is invested into crafting tools, the tools must be used for relatively long periods of time. During periods of high mobility, however, it may become more advantageous to spend less time producing simpler tools. This way, more time can be spent exploiting resources before the group moves again.[4][55] This theory is supported by ethnographic evidence showing that toolkits increase in complexity when the frequencies of annual moves decrease.[4]
Climate Change
Otra hipótesis es que Howiesons Poort y el período anterior de Stillbay se desarrollaron como una respuesta adaptativa a climas muy fríos durante el MIS 4. [ 39 ] El período anterior, MIS 5, había tenido temperaturas cálidas, por lo que la población humana aumentó. [ 56 ] Cuando esta gran población se enfrentó al deterioro climático durante el MIS 4, desarrollaron Stillbay y Howiesons Poort debido a la presión por sobrevivir. [ 39 ] Cuando surgió el MIS 3 con temperaturas más cálidas, estos complejos tecnológicos ya no fueron necesarios. [ 4 ] [ 57 ] Otra hipótesis afirma que las severas condiciones del MIS 4 causaron un aumento de la población hacia la parte final, y por lo tanto, a medida que los grupos de personas se extinguían, las herramientas de Howiesons Poort que habían estado produciendo fueron abandonadas. [ 4 ] [ 58 ] Estas hipótesis están respaldadas por registros de isótopos de oxígeno que sugieren condiciones menos favorables durante el MIS 4. [ 59 ]
Una teoría alternativa sostiene que, durante el MIS 4, las condiciones climáticas hicieron que las áreas del interior del sur de África fueran inhóspitas para la ocupación humana. [ 60 ] Esto provocó una migración a gran escala y un posterior aumento de la población en sitios cercanos a la costa. [ 61 ] Estas altas densidades de población facilitaron la transmisión de habilidades complejas y el desarrollo de las herramientas de Howiesons Poort. Cuando las áreas del interior volvieron a ser habitables durante el MIS 3, las poblaciones se dispersaron nuevamente y estas transmisiones se perdieron. [ 4 ] [ 60 ] Esta hipótesis está respaldada por una comparación entre sitios de herramientas con dorso de las capas de Howiesons Poort, que encontró consistencia en las plantillas y similitudes morfológicas que indican que la información sobre la producción de estas herramientas se estaba difundiendo a través de redes sociales. [ 62 ]
Cambio de población
Una hipótesis independiente sostiene que Howiesons Poort muestra un período de expansión poblacional y redes sólidas, lo que permitió la transmisión de habilidades. [ 63 ] [ 64 ] La era posterior a Howiesons Poort ocurre durante un período de contracción poblacional y aislamiento de los grupos de vida, lo que promovió la producción de herramientas más simples. [ 4 ] [ 63 ] Esto también está respaldado por la evidencia de ubicuidad en material aparentemente simbólico durante Howiesons Poort y la posterior casi ausencia de este durante el período posterior a Howiesons Poort. [ 65 ]
Finally, some believe that the end of Howiesons Poort was caused by an overall population decrease following MIS 4.[66] This is supported by genetic data showing a population increase in Africa between 90,000-70,000 years ago. Although the model used does not show a subsequent decrease after this point, the research team has postulated that this may be due to insufficient data from the time.[4][66]
Sites

- South Africa[67]
- Namibia[67]
- Apollo 11 Cave
- Aar l
- Bremen IC
- Haalenberg
- Pockenbanck
- Zimbabwe[67]
- Matopos : Nswatugi
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- Middle Stone Age cultures