Relaciones exteriores de Rusia

Las relaciones exteriores de la Federación Rusa constituyen el brazo político del gobierno ruso que guía sus interacciones con otras naciones, sus ciudadanos y organizaciones extranjeras. Este artículo abarca la política exterior de la Federación Rusa desde la disolución de la Unión Soviética a finales de 1991.

Los debates sobre política exterior del Kremlin revelan un conflicto entre tres corrientes rivales: los atlantistas , que buscan una relación más estrecha con Estados Unidos y el mundo occidental en general; los imperialistas , que pretenden recuperar el estatus semihegemónico perdido durante la década anterior; y los neoeslavófilos , que promueven el aislamiento de Rusia dentro de su propia esfera cultural. Si bien el atlantismo fue la ideología dominante durante los primeros años de la nueva Federación Rusa, bajo el mandato de Andrei Kozyrev , fue criticado por su incapacidad para defender la preeminencia rusa en la antigua URSS . El ascenso de Yevgeny Primakov a Ministro de Asuntos Exteriores en 1996 marcó el inicio de un enfoque más nacionalista en política exterior. ^{[ 5 ]}^{: 33–69}

Otra tendencia importante ha sido el eurasianismo , una corriente de pensamiento que surgió a principios del siglo XX. Los eurasianistas afirman que Rusia está compuesta por culturas eslavas , turcas y asiáticas , y equiparan el liberalismo con el imperialismo eurocéntrico . Uno de los primeros ideólogos del eurasianismo fue el historiador ruso Nikolai Trubetzkoy , quien denunció al zar eurofílico Pedro I y abogó por que Rusia adoptara el legado asiático de Gengis Kan para establecer un estado eurasiático transcontinental . Tras el colapso de la Unión Soviética , el eurasianismo ganó popularidad gracias a los escritos del filósofo Aleksandr Dugin y se ha convertido en la política ideológica oficial del gobierno de Vladimir Putin . ^[^a^]

Vladimir Putin ocupó la presidencia desde enero de 2000 hasta mayo de 2008, y nuevamente desde mayo de 2012 hasta la actualidad. Bajo su mandato, Rusia se ha visto envuelta en varios conflictos importantes, incluyendo uno contra la vecina Ucrania . Reconoció la independencia de Donetsk y Luhansk dentro de ese país. Las relaciones con Estados Unidos, en particular, se deterioraron drásticamente entre 2001 y 2022, y el Kremlin culpó a la intervención estadounidense en Oriente Medio y en los países fronterizos con Rusia. Las relaciones con la Unión Europea se volvieron hostiles tras la anexión rusa de Crimea en 2014 .

El 24 de febrero de 2022, Rusia invadió Ucrania , lo que provocó la imposición de importantes sanciones económicas y políticas por parte de la Unión Europea, el Reino Unido, Estados Unidos, Canadá, Japón y otros países. El gobierno ruso cuenta ahora con una " Lista de Países Hostiles " que indica aquellos países con los que mantiene relaciones tensas (o inexistentes). Actualmente, Rusia no mantiene relaciones diplomáticas con Ucrania (desde 2022) debido a la guerra ruso-ucraniana en curso . Además de Ucrania, Rusia tampoco mantiene relaciones diplomáticas con Georgia ( desde 2008 ), Bután , los Estados Federados de Micronesia (desde 2022) y las Islas Salomón .

A pesar del deterioro de las relaciones con el mundo occidental desde el inicio de la guerra ruso-ucraniana, Rusia aún mantiene apoyo y relaciones sólidas con países como China , ^{[ 10 ]} India , ^{[ 10 ]} Bielorrusia , ^{[ 11 ]} Irán , ^{[ 12 ]} Cuba , ^{[ 10 ]} Venezuela , ^{[ 10 ]} Nicaragua , ^{[ 13 ]} Corea del Norte , ^{[ 10 ]} Myanmar , ^{[ 14 ]} Eritrea , ^{[ 15 ]} Malí , ^{[ 16 ]} República Centroafricana , ^{[ 17 ]} Zimbabue , ^{[ 18 ]} Burkina Faso , ^{[ 19 ]} Burundi , ^{[ 20 ]} Irak , ^{[ 21 ]} Libia , ^{[ 22 ]} Palestina , ^{[ 23 ]} y Níger . ^{[ 24 ]} Rusia también cuenta con un fuerte apoyo de los hutíes en Yemen . ^{[ 25 ]} Rusia también mantiene relaciones positivas con países que han sido descritos como "afines a Rusia" según The Economist . Estos países incluyen Argelia , Afganistán , ^{[ 26 ]} Kazajistán , Kirguistán , ^{[ 27 ]} Tayikistán , Pakistán , Etiopía , Sudán y Uganda . ^{[ 28 ]} Rusia también mantiene relaciones positivas con países considerados neutrales en el escenario mundial como Brasil , ^{[ 29 ]} Honduras , Bangladesh , Turkmenistán y Uzbekistán . Con países tradicionalmente considerados alineados con Occidente, Rusia mantiene relaciones positivas con Hungría., ^{[ 30 ]} Serbia , ^{[ 31 ]} Eslovaquia , ^{[ 32 ]} Azerbaiyán , Turquía , ^{[ 30 ]} Baréin , ^{[ 33 ]} Kuwait , ^{[ 33 ]} Omán , ^{[ 33 ]} Catar , ^{[ 30 ]} Arabia Saudita , ^{[ 34 ]} Egipto , ^{[ 35 ]} Jordania , Marruecos , Armenia y los Emiratos Árabes Unidos . ^{[ 34 ]}

Historia

Política exterior del Imperio ruso

Relaciones exteriores de la Unión Soviética

Política exterior de la Federación Rusa

En asuntos internacionales, Putin había realizado declaraciones públicas cada vez más críticas con respecto a la política exterior de Estados Unidos y otros países occidentales. En febrero de 2007, en la Conferencia anual de Múnich sobre Política de Seguridad , criticó lo que denominó el dominio monopolístico de Estados Unidos en las relaciones globales y afirmó que este país exhibía un «uso desmedido y casi ilimitado de la fuerza en las relaciones internacionales». Añadió que, como consecuencia, «nadie se siente seguro, porque nadie puede sentir que el derecho internacional es como un muro infranqueable que los protegerá. Por supuesto, esta política fomenta una carrera armamentística». ^{[ 36 ]}^{[ 37 ]}

Putin propuso iniciativas como el establecimiento de centros internacionales para el enriquecimiento de uranio y la prevención del despliegue de armas en el espacio ultraterrestre . ^{[ 36 ]} En una entrevista de enero de 2007, Putin afirmó que Rusia está a favor de un mundo multipolar democrático y del fortalecimiento del sistema de derecho internacional. ^{[ 38 ]}

2000-2006

Putin suele ser caracterizado como un autócrata por los medios de comunicación y los políticos occidentales. ^{[ 39 ]}^{[ 40 ]} Se informa que su relación con el expresidente estadounidense George W. Bush , el expresidente y actual presidente brasileño Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva , el expresidente venezolano Hugo Chávez , el excanciller alemán Gerhard Schröder , el expresidente francés Jacques Chirac y el ex primer ministro italiano Silvio Berlusconi es personalmente cordial. Se informa que la relación de Putin con la excanciller alemana Angela Merkel es más distante y profesional que su relación con Gerhard Schröder, quien aceptó un puesto en un consorcio liderado por Rusia tras dejar el cargo. ^{[ 41 ]}

Putin con líderes de Oriente Medio.

Durante la crisis de desarme de Irak en 2002-2003, Putin se opuso a la invasión de Irak por parte de Washington , sin contar con una resolución del Consejo de Seguridad de las Naciones Unidas que autorizara explícitamente el uso de la fuerza militar. Tras el anuncio oficial del fin de la guerra, el presidente estadounidense George W. Bush solicitó a las Naciones Unidas el levantamiento de las sanciones contra Irak . Putin apoyó el levantamiento de las sanciones en su debido momento, argumentando que primero se debía dar a la comisión de la ONU la oportunidad de completar su trabajo de búsqueda de armas de destrucción masiva en Irak .

Durante las elecciones presidenciales ucranianas de 2004 , Putin visitó Ucrania en dos ocasiones antes de los comicios para mostrar su apoyo al primer ministro ucraniano Viktor Yanukovych , considerado por muchos como un candidato afín al Kremlin, y lo felicitó por su victoria anticipada incluso antes de que se publicaran los resultados oficiales. ^{[ 42 ]}^{[ 43 ]} El apoyo personal de Putin a Yanukovych fue criticado como una injerencia injustificada en los asuntos de un Estado soberano ( véase también La Revolución Naranja ). También surgieron crisis en las relaciones de Rusia con Georgia y Moldavia , ya que ambas ex repúblicas soviéticas acusaron a Moscú de apoyar a entidades separatistas en sus territorios (es decir, Abjasia , Osetia del Sur y Transnistria ).

En 2005, Putin y el excanciller alemán Gerhard Schröder negociaron la construcción de un importante gasoducto a través del Báltico, exclusivamente entre Rusia y Alemania. Schröder también asistió a la celebración del 53.º cumpleaños de Putin en San Petersburgo ese mismo año. ^{[ 44 ]}

Putin y su homólogo de China , Xi Jinping y Narendra Modi de la India .

A finales de 2006 , las relaciones entre Rusia y Gran Bretaña se tensaron tras la muerte por envenenamiento de un exoficial del FSB en Londres . El 20 de julio de 2007, el primer ministro británico, Gordon Brown, expulsó a cuatro enviados rusos por la negativa de Putin a extraditar al exagente de la KGB Andrei Lugovoi , buscado en el Reino Unido por el asesinato de su colega, el también exespía Alexander Litvinenko, en Londres. ^{[ 45 ]} La constitución rusa prohíbe la extradición de ciudadanos rusos a terceros países. El ministro de Asuntos Exteriores británico, David Miliband, afirmó que «esta situación no es única, y otros países han modificado sus constituciones, por ejemplo, para dar efecto a la Orden Europea de Detención ». ^{[ 46 ]}

Cuando Litvinenko agonizaba por envenenamiento por radiación, acusó a Putin de haber ordenado el asesinato, en una declaración publicada poco después de su muerte por su amigo Alex Goldfarb . ^{[ 47 ]} Los críticos han puesto en duda que Litvinenko sea el verdadero autor de la declaración publicada. ^{[ 48 ]}^{[ 49 ]} Al ser preguntado sobre las acusaciones de Litvinenko, Putin dijo que una declaración publicada póstumamente por su autor «naturalmente no merece comentarios». ^{[ 50 ]}

Las expulsiones fueron vistas como "la mayor ruptura desde que los países expulsaron a los diplomáticos del otro en 1996 tras una disputa por espionaje". ^{[ 45 ]} En respuesta a la situación, Putin declaró: "Creo que superaremos esta minicrisis. Las relaciones ruso-británicas se desarrollarán con normalidad. Tanto por parte rusa como británica, estamos interesados en el desarrollo de esas relaciones". ^{[ 45 ]} A pesar de esto, el Ministerio de Asuntos Exteriores ruso le comunicó al embajador británico Tony Brenton que los diplomáticos del Reino Unido tendrían 10 días antes de ser expulsados en respuesta. El gobierno ruso también anunció que suspendería la emisión de visados a funcionarios británicos y congelaría la cooperación en materia de lucha contra el terrorismo , en respuesta a la suspensión de contactos de Gran Bretaña con su Servicio Federal de Seguridad . ^{[ 45 ]}

Alexander Shokhin, presidente de la Unión Rusa de Industriales y Empresarios , advirtió que los inversores británicos en Rusia "se enfrentarán a un mayor escrutinio por parte de las autoridades fiscales y reguladoras. También podrían perder licitaciones gubernamentales". ^{[ 45 ]} Algunos consideran que la crisis se originó con la decisión de Gran Bretaña de conceder asilo político en 2003 al antiguo protector de Putin, el multimillonario ruso Boris Berezovsky . ^{[ 45 ]} A principios de 2007, Berezovsky había pedido el derrocamiento de Putin. ^{[ 45 ]}

2007-2009

Putin tomó una participación personal activa en la promoción del Acta de Comunión Canónica con el Patriarcado de Moscú, firmada en mayo de 2007, que restableció las relaciones entre la Iglesia Ortodoxa Rusa con sede en Moscú y la Iglesia Ortodoxa Rusa Fuera de Rusia (ROCOR) después del cisma de 80 años . ^{[ 51 ]}

La Comunidad de Estados Independientes (CEI), considerada por Moscú como su esfera de influencia tradicional, se convirtió en una de las prioridades de la política exterior de Putin, a medida que la UE y la OTAN han crecido hasta abarcar gran parte de Europa Central y, más recientemente, los estados bálticos .

El 26 de abril de 2007, en su discurso anual ante la Asamblea Federal , Putin anunció planes para declarar una moratoria en la observancia del Tratado sobre Fuerzas Armadas Convencionales en Europa por parte de Rusia hasta que todos los miembros de la OTAN lo ratificaran y comenzaran a observar sus disposiciones, como Rusia venía haciendo unilateralmente. ^{[ 52 ]} Putin argumenta que, dado que los nuevos miembros de la OTAN ni siquiera han firmado el tratado hasta el momento, un desequilibrio en la presencia de las fuerzas armadas de la OTAN y de Rusia en Europa crea una amenaza real y una situación impredecible para Rusia. ^{[ 52 ]} Los miembros de la OTAN dijeron que se negarían a ratificar el tratado hasta que Rusia cumpliera con sus compromisos de 1999, adquiridos en Estambul, según los cuales Rusia debía retirar tropas y equipo militar de Moldavia y Georgia . El ministro de Asuntos Exteriores ruso, Serguéi Lavrov , declaró en respuesta que «Rusia ha cumplido hace tiempo con todas sus obligaciones de Estambul relativas al Tratado sobre Fuerzas Armadas Convencionales en Europa». ^{[ 53 ]}

El 11 de diciembre de 2007, Rusia suspendió su participación en el CFE . ^{[ 54 ]}^{[ 55 ]} El 12 de diciembre de 2007, Estados Unidos declaró oficialmente que "lamentaba profundamente la decisión de la Federación Rusa de 'suspender' el cumplimiento de sus obligaciones en virtud del Tratado sobre Fuerzas Armadas Convencionales en Europa (CFE)". El portavoz del Departamento de Estado, Sean McCormack, añadió en una declaración escrita que "las fuerzas convencionales de Rusia son las más grandes del continente europeo , y su acción unilateral perjudica este exitoso régimen de control de armas ". ^{[ 56 ]} La principal preocupación de la OTAN derivada de la suspensión de Rusia es que Moscú podría acelerar su presencia militar en el Cáucaso Norte . ^{[ 57 ]}

Putin con líderes latinoamericanos.

Los meses posteriores al discurso de Putin en Múnich ^{[ 36 ]} estuvieron marcados por la tensión y un aumento de la retórica a ambos lados del Atlántico. Como resultado, Vladimir Putin declaró en el aniversario del Día de la Victoria: «Estas amenazas no están disminuyendo, sino que solo se están transformando y cambiando de apariencia. Estas nuevas amenazas, al igual que bajo el Tercer Reich, muestran el mismo desprecio por la vida humana y la misma aspiración a establecer un dominio exclusivo sobre el mundo». ^{[ 58 ]} Algunos comentaristas rusos y occidentales interpretaron esto como una comparación entre Estados Unidos y la Alemania nazi . ^{[ 59 ]}

En 2007, en vísperas de la 33.ª Cumbre del G8 en Heiligendamm , Alemania, la periodista estadounidense Anne Applebaum , casada con un político polaco, escribió que «Ya sea librando una guerra cibernética contra Estonia , amenazando el suministro de gas de Lituania o boicoteando el vino georgiano y la carne polaca, [Putin] ha dejado claro en los últimos años que pretende reafirmar la influencia rusa en los antiguos estados comunistas de Europa, independientemente de que estos estados la deseen o no. Al mismo tiempo, también ha dejado claro que ya no ve a las naciones occidentales como meros socios comerciales benignos, sino como amenazas al estilo de la Guerra Fría ». ^{[ 59 ]}

En su artículo «No es de extrañar que les guste Putin», el académico británico Norman Stone comparó a Putin con el general Charles de Gaulle . ^{[ 60 ]} Adi Ignatius argumenta que «Putin... no es un Stalin . Hoy en día no hay purgas masivas en Rusia, ni un clima generalizado de terror. Pero Putin está reconstituyendo un Estado fuerte, y cualquiera que se interponga en su camino pagará las consecuencias». ^{[ 61 ]} Tanto funcionarios rusos como estadounidenses negaron sistemáticamente la idea de una nueva Guerra Fría . En la Conferencia de Múnich, el secretario de Defensa de Estados Unidos, Robert Gates, dijo: «Todos nos enfrentamos a muchos problemas y desafíos comunes que deben abordarse en colaboración con otros países, incluida Rusia... una Guerra Fría fue más que suficiente». ^{[ 62 ]} En junio de 2007, justo antes de la 33.ª Cumbre del G8, Vladimir Putin dijo: «No queremos confrontación; queremos dialogar. Sin embargo, queremos un diálogo que reconozca la igualdad de los intereses de ambas partes». ^{[ 63 ]}

El 7 de junio de 2007, Putin, quien se oponía públicamente a un escudo antimisiles estadounidense en Europa, presentó al presidente George W. Bush una contrapropuesta que consistía en compartir el uso del sistema de radar de la era soviética en Azerbaiyán , en lugar de construir un nuevo sistema en Polonia y la República Checa . Putin expresó su disposición a modernizar la estación de radar de Gabala , que estaba en funcionamiento desde 1986. Propuso que, en ese caso, no sería necesario instalar misiles interceptores en Polonia, sino que podrían instalarse en Turquía o Irak , países miembros de la OTAN . Putin sugirió una participación equitativa de los países europeos interesados en el proyecto. ^{[ 64 ]}

En junio de 2007, en una entrevista con periodistas de los países del G8 , al responder a la pregunta de si las fuerzas nucleares rusas podrían centrarse en objetivos europeos en caso de que "Estados Unidos continúe construyendo un escudo estratégico en Polonia y la República Checa", Putin admitió que "si parte de la capacidad nuclear de Estados Unidos se encuentra en Europa y nuestros expertos militares consideran que representan una amenaza potencial, entonces tendremos que tomar las medidas de represalia adecuadas. ¿Qué medidas? Por supuesto, debemos tener nuevos objetivos en Europa". ^{[ 63 ]}^{[ 65 ]}

Tras los ejercicios militares de la Misión de Paz de 2007, llevados a cabo conjuntamente por los Estados miembros de la Organización de Cooperación de Shanghái (OCS), Putin anunció en agosto de 2007 la reanudación, de forma permanente, de los vuelos de patrulla de largo alcance de los bombarderos estratégicos rusos, suspendidos en 1992. ^{[ 66 ]} El anuncio realizado durante la cumbre de la OCS, a la luz de los ejercicios militares conjuntos ruso-chinos, los primeros de la historia en celebrarse en territorio ruso, ^{[ 67 ]} lleva a algunos a creer que Putin se inclina por establecer un bloque anti- OTAN , o la versión asiática de la OPEP . ^{[ 68 ]}

Cuando se le planteó la sugerencia de que "los observadores occidentales ya están comparando a la OCS con una organización militar que se opondría a la OTAN", Putin respondió que "este tipo de comparación es inapropiada tanto en la forma como en el fondo". ^{[ 66 ]} El jefe del Estado Mayor ruso, Yuri Baluyevsky, declaró que "no debería hablarse de crear una alianza o unión militar o política de ningún tipo, porque esto contradiría los principios fundacionales de la OCS". ^{[ 67 ]}

La reanudación de los vuelos de larga distancia de los bombarderos estratégicos de la Fuerza Aérea Rusa fue seguida por el anuncio del Ministro de Defensa ruso, Anatoly Serdyukov, durante su reunión con Putin el 5 de diciembre de 2007, de que 11 buques, incluido el portaaviones Kuznetsov , participarían en la primera gran incursión naval en el Mediterráneo desde la época soviética. ^[⁶⁹^] La incursión contaría con el apoyo de 47 aeronaves, incluidos bombarderos estratégicos. ^[⁷⁰^] Según Serdyukov, esto representa un esfuerzo por reanudar las patrullas navales rusas regulares en los océanos del mundo, opinión que también respaldan los medios de comunicación rusos . ^[⁷¹^] El analista militar de Novaya Gazeta, Pavel Felgenhauer, cree que el Kuznetsov, propenso a los accidentes , apenas es apto para la navegación y representa una mayor amenaza para su tripulación que cualquier supuesto enemigo. ^[⁷²^]

En septiembre de 2007, Putin visitó Indonesia, convirtiéndose así en el primer líder ruso en visitar el país en más de 50 años. ^{[ 73 ]} Ese mismo mes, Putin también asistió a la cumbre de la APEC celebrada en Sídney, Australia, donde se reunió con el primer ministro australiano John Howard y firmó un acuerdo comercial sobre uranio. Esta fue la primera visita de un presidente ruso a Australia.

En octubre de 2007, Putin visitó Teherán , Irán, para participar en la Segunda Cumbre del Caspio, ^{[ 74 ]} donde se reunió con el líder iraní Mahmoud Ahmadinejad . ^{[ 75 ]} Otros participantes fueron los líderes de Azerbaiyán, Kazajistán y Turkmenistán. ^{[ 76 ]} Esta es la primera visita de un líder del Kremlin a Irán desde la participación de Iósif Stalin en la Conferencia de Teherán en 1943. ^{[ 77 ]}^{[ 78 ]} En una conferencia de prensa posterior a la cumbre, Putin declaró que «todos nuestros estados (del Caspio) tienen derecho a desarrollar sus programas nucleares pacíficos sin ninguna restricción». ^{[ 79 ]} Durante la cumbre, también se acordó que sus participantes, bajo ninguna circunstancia, permitirían que ningún tercer estado utilizara su territorio como base para la agresión o la acción militar contra ningún otro participante. ^{[ 74 ]}

El 26 de octubre de 2007, en una conferencia de prensa tras la XX Cumbre Rusia-UE celebrada en Portugal , Putin propuso la creación de un Instituto Ruso-Europeo para la Libertad y la Democracia, con sede en Bruselas o en alguna de las capitales europeas, y añadió que «estamos dispuestos a aportar fondos para su financiación, del mismo modo que Europa cubre los costes de los proyectos en Rusia». ^{[ 80 ]} Se espera que esta institución, de reciente creación, supervise las violaciones de los derechos humanos en Europa y contribuya al desarrollo de la democracia europea. ^{[ 81 ]}

El presidente ruso Vladimir Putin y el presidente estadounidense George W. Bush no lograron resolver sus diferencias sobre los planes de Estados Unidos para un sistema de defensa antimisiles con base en Polonia y la República Checa , durante su reunión en la ciudad turística rusa de Sochi , a orillas del Mar Negro , en abril de 2008. Putin dejó claro que no estaba de acuerdo con la decisión de establecer emplazamientos en los países de Europa del Este . Sin embargo, afirmó que ambos habían acordado un "marco estratégico" para guiar las futuras relaciones entre Estados Unidos y Rusia , en el que ambos países reconocían que la época en la que cada uno consideraba al otro una "amenaza estratégica o un enemigo" había terminado. ^[⁸²^]

Putin expresó un cauto optimismo de que ambas partes pudieran encontrar una manera de cooperar en materia de defensa antimisiles y describió su relación de ocho años con el presidente Bush como "mayormente positiva". La cumbre de Sochi fue la última reunión de Bush con Putin como presidente en ejercicio, tras la asistencia de ambos líderes a la cumbre de la OTAN en Rumania a principios de ese mes. Dicha cumbre también puso de manifiesto las diferencias entre Washington y Moscú respecto a las propuestas respaldadas por Estados Unidos para extender la alianza militar e incluir a las antiguas repúblicas soviéticas de Ucrania y Georgia . Rusia se opone a la expansión propuesta, por temor a que reduzca su propia influencia sobre sus vecinos. ^{[ 82 ]}

Fareed Zakaria sugirió que la guerra de Osetia del Sur de 2008 resultó ser un desastre diplomático para Rusia. Añadió que fue un grave error estratégico, que llevó a naciones vecinas como Ucrania a estrechar lazos con Estados Unidos y otras naciones occidentales. ^{[ 83 ]} El geoestratega húngaro-estadounidense George Friedman replicó que tanto la guerra como la política exterior rusa han tenido éxito en la expansión de la influencia de Rusia. ^{[ 84 ]}

2010-2016

A mediados de la década de 2010 se produjo un drástico deterioro en las relaciones de Rusia con Occidente, y algunos incluso lo consideraron el inicio de una nueva Guerra Fría. ^{[ 85 ]} Estados Unidos y Rusia apoyaron a bandos opuestos en la Guerra Civil Siria , y Washington consideró a Moscú como obstruccionista por su apoyo al régimen de Bashar al-Asad . ^{[ 86 ]}

En 2013, por primera vez desde 1960, Estados Unidos canceló una cumbre con Rusia, después de que esta última concediera asilo a Edward Snowden . ^{[ 87 ]}

Sin embargo, el mayor aumento de las tensiones se produjo a raíz de la crisis de Ucrania que comenzó en 2014, durante la cual Rusia se anexionó Crimea . ^{[ 88 ]} Rusia también avivó un levantamiento separatista en la región del Donbás . ^{[ 89 ]} Estados Unidos respondió a estos acontecimientos imponiendo sanciones a Rusia, y la mayoría de los países europeos hicieron lo mismo debido a la preocupación por la injerencia rusa en los asuntos de Europa Central y Oriental. ^{[ 90 ]}

En octubre de 2015, tras años de apoyo indirecto al gobierno sirio, Rusia intervino directamente en el conflicto , cambiando el rumbo de la guerra a favor del régimen de Assad . Las relaciones ruso-turcas , ya tensas por el apoyo ruso a Assad, se deterioraron aún más, especialmente después de que la Fuerza Aérea turca derribara un avión de combate ruso en noviembre de 2015. Ese mismo año, Rusia también formó la Unión Económica Euroasiática con Armenia, Kazajistán y Bielorrusia.

El gobierno ruso desaprueba la expansión de la OTAN hacia Europa del Este , alegando que los líderes occidentales prometieron que la OTAN no se expandiría más allá de sus fronteras de la década de 1990. ^{[ 91 ]}

2017-2022

Rusia Países en la " Lista de países hostiles " de Rusia . Los países y territorios incluidos en la lista impusieron sanciones a Rusia tras la invasión rusa de Ucrania en 2022. ^[⁹²^]

Durante décadas, la disputa entre Japón y Rusia sobre la soberanía de las Islas Kuriles ha obstaculizado una cooperación más estrecha entre ambos países. Sin embargo, desde 2017, se han mantenido conversaciones de alto nivel, con la participación del Primer Ministro Shinzō Abe, en un intento por resolver la situación. ^{[ 93 ]}

El poder de Rusia en el escenario internacional depende en gran medida de sus ingresos por exportaciones de combustibles fósiles . Si el mundo completa la transición a las energías renovables y la demanda internacional de materias primas rusas se reduce drásticamente, también podría disminuir el poder internacional de Rusia. Aunque las exportaciones rusas de petróleo y gas reciben mayor atención, el país es también uno de los tres mayores exportadores de carbón del mundo , y esta industria es importante para algunas ciudades y provincias rusas. ^{[ 94 ]} Rusia ocupa el puesto 148 de 156 países en el índice de Ganancias y Pérdidas Geopolíticas tras la Transición Energética (GeGaLo). ^{[ 95 ]}

Rusia carece de alianzas sólidas. ^{[ 96 ]} La Organización del Tratado de Seguridad Colectiva es un intento de desarrollar una alianza sucesora del Pacto de Varsovia , pero es relativamente débil. ^{[ 96 ]} Rusia participa en la Organización de Cooperación de Shanghái , pero la OCS es un grupo de cooperación multilateral más que una alianza militar, y China desempeña un papel protagónico en la organización. ^{[ 96 ]}

2022-present

Cuando Rusia invadió Ucrania en 2022 , su política exterior cambió significativamente después de que 141 países aprobaran una resolución de la ONU en marzo de 2022 que condenaba la invasión y exigía la retirada total de las fuerzas rusas , y después de que más de 600 diplomáticos rusos fueran declarados persona non grata ese mismo año. ^{[ 97 ]}

Rusia intentó consolidar sus alianzas en África, Asia y Sudamérica. Históricamente, la antigua Unión Soviética y posteriormente la Federación Rusa mantuvieron buenas relaciones con los estados modernos de esas regiones, poniéndose del lado de las poblaciones oprimidas, como durante el Apartheid en Sudáfrica , y oponiéndose al imperialismo en todo el mundo. ^{[ 98 ]} Más adelante, en 2022, muchos países africanos y sudamericanos se abstuvieron de votar en contra de Rusia en el Consejo de Seguridad de la ONU por su participación militar en Ucrania. La influencia de Rusia en África y Sudamérica se está expandiendo, particularmente en las áreas de minería y servicios de seguridad . En julio de 2022, la mayoría de los países africanos y sudamericanos tenían un gran interés en la energía fósil barata y no tenían sanciones vigentes contra entidades rusas. ^{[ 99 ]}^{[ 100 ]}

En 2023 , Rusia presentó una estrategia de política exterior eurasianista y antioccidental en un documento titulado «El concepto de política exterior de la Federación Rusa», aprobado por Vladimir Putin . El documento define a Rusia como un «país-civilización único y una vasta potencia euroasiática y europacífica» que busca crear una « Gran Asociación Euroasiática » mediante el establecimiento de relaciones estrechas con la República Popular China , India, los países del mundo islámico y el resto del Sur Global ( América Latina y África Meridional ). La política identifica a Estados Unidos y otros países de habla inglesa como «el principal inspirador, organizador y ejecutor de la agresiva política antirusa del Occidente colectivo» y busca el fin del dominio estadounidense en la escena internacional. El documento también adopta una postura neosoviética , posicionando a Rusia como el estado sucesor de la URSS y abogando por la difusión de «información precisa» sobre la «contribución decisiva de la Unión Soviética» en la configuración del orden internacional posterior a la Segunda Guerra Mundial y las Naciones Unidas . ^[¹⁰¹^]^[¹⁰²^]^[¹⁰³^]

En 2024, Malí, Níger y Burkina Faso alcanzaron un acuerdo con Rusia para obtener satélites de telecomunicaciones y vigilancia, con el objetivo de reforzar la seguridad fronteriza y mejorar las comunicaciones. Estas naciones de África Occidental, que se enfrentan a insurgencias islamistas en curso , buscaron el apoyo ruso tras las tensiones con sus aliados occidentales. Esta medida se produjo poco después de un ataque de militantes islamistas contra un aeropuerto en Malí , lo que puso de manifiesto la inestable situación de seguridad en la región. ^{[ 104 ]}

En África, Rusia utiliza propaganda antifrancesa y antioccidental a través de agencias clandestinas. ^{[ 105 ]}

En respuesta a las sanciones generalizadas y al apoyo militar a Ucrania, Rusia ha sido acusada de librar una campaña de guerra híbrida en todo el continente. Esto incluye actos confirmados y sospechosos de sabotaje, espionaje y operaciones de influencia destinadas a debilitar la determinación y la infraestructura europeas. ^{[ 106 ]}

Relaciones diplomáticas

Lista de países con los que Rusia mantiene relaciones diplomáticas:

Relaciones bilaterales

África

América

Asia

Europa

Oceanía

Perception

Global opinion

Pew Research Center indicated that (as of 2015) only four surveyed countries have a positive view (50% or above) of Russia. The top ten most approving countries are Vietnam (75%), Ghana (56%), China (51%), South Korea (46%), Lebanon (44%), Philippines (44%), India (43%), Nigeria (39%), Tanzania (38%), Ethiopia (37%), and Uganda (37%). The ten countries with the most negative views of Russia were Pakistan (12%), Turkey (15%), Poland (15%), United Kingdom (18%), Jordan (18%), Ukraine (21%), Japan (21%), United States (22%), Mexico (24%), and Australia (24%). Russians' own view of Russia was overwhelmingly positive at 92%.^[364]

Multilateral

NATO and the European Union

Russia is a member of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), Union of Russia and Belarus, Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), Paris Club, and the North Atlantic Cooperation Council (NACC). It signed the NATO Partnership for Peace initiative on 22 June 1994. On 20 May 1997, NATO and Russia signed the NATO–Russia Founding Act, which the parties hoped would provide the basis for an enduring and robust partnership between the Alliance and Russia—one that could make an important contribution to European security architecture in the 21st century, though already at the time of its signing doubts were cast on whether this accord could deliver on these ambitious goals.^[365]

This agreement was superseded by the NATO–Russia Council that was agreed at the Reykjavík Ministerial and unveiled at the Rome NATO Summit in May 2002. On 24 June 1994, Russia and the European Union (EU) signed a partnership and cooperation agreement. European Union imposed sanctions on Russian businesses and individuals in 2014, regarding the annexation of Crimea and alleged support for separatists during War in Donbas.^[366]

Following the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022, non NATO/EU countries felt threatened by Russia with EU candidate status being granted to Bosnia and Herzegovina, Ukraine and Moldova in 2022, EU negotiations speeding up for Albania and North Macedonia and Finland joining NATO in 2023 with Sweden joining in 2024.

Former Soviet Republics and Warsaw Pact

The non-Russian countries that were once part of the USSR have been termed the 'near abroad' by Russians. More recently, Russian leaders have been referring to all 15 countries collectively as "Post-Soviet Space," while asserting Russian foreign policy interest throughout the region.^[367] After the USSR was dissolved by the presidents of Russia, Ukraine and Belarus, Russia tried to regain some sort of influence over the post-Soviet space by creating, on 8 December 1991, a regional organization – the Commonwealth of Independent States. The following years, Russia initiated a set of agreements with the Post-Soviet states which were designed to institutionalize the relations inside the CIS. However, most of these agreements were not fulfilled and the CIS republics began to drift away from Russia, which at that time was attempting to stabilize its broken economy and ties with the West.^[368]

One of the major issues which had an influence on the foreign relations of Russia in FSU was the remaining large Russian minority populations in many countries of the near abroad. This issue has been dealt with in various ways by each individual country. They have posed a particular problem in countries where they live close to the Russian border, such as in Ukraine and Kazakhstan, with some of these Russians calling for these areas to be absorbed into Russia. By and large, however, Russians in the near-abroad do not favor active intervention of Russia into the domestic affairs of neighboring countries, even in defense of the interests of ethnic Russians.^[369] Moreover, the three Baltic states (Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania) have clearly signaled their desire to be outside any claimed Russian sphere of influence, as is reflected by their joining both the NATO alliance and the European Union in 2004.

Close cultural, ethnic and historical links exist between Russia, Belarus and Ukraine. The traditional Russian perspective is that they are one ethnic group, with Russians called 'Great Russians', Belarusians 'White Russians' and Ukrainians 'Little Russians'. This manifested itself in lower levels of nationalism in these areas, particularly Belarus and Ukraine, during the disintegration of the Soviet Union. However, few Ukrainians accept a "younger brother" status relative to Russia,^[370] and Russia's efforts to insert itself into Ukrainian domestic politics, such as Putin's endorsement of a candidate for the Ukrainian presidency in the last election, are contentious.

Russia maintains its military bases in Armenia, Belarus, Kyrgyzstan, the Transnistria region of Moldova, the occupied South Ossetia region of Georgia and Tajikistan. Russia's relationships with Georgia are at their lowest point in modern history due to the Georgian-Russian espionage controversy and due to the 2008 Russo-Georgian war, Georgia broke off diplomatic relations with Russia and has left the Commonwealth of Independent States.

Russia's relations with Ukraine, since 2013, are also at their lowest point in history as a result of the pro-Western Euromaidan revolution in Ukraine, the annexation of Crimea and the pro-Russian insurgency in Ukraine's Donetsk and Luhansk regions. Ukraine withdrew from the Commonwealth of Independent States in 2018, with Moldova following in 2022 after Russia invaded Ukraine.

Russia maintains diplomatic relations with most countries that were once part of the former Warsaw Pact, and furthermore, Albania. Russia also continues to maintain friendly relations with Cuba as well as third world and non-aligned countries of Afghanistan, Angola, Benin, Congo, Egypt, Ethiopia, Grenada, Guinea-Bissau, India, Iraq, Mozambique, Serbia and the former Southern part of Yemen.

International membership

Membership in International Organizations:^[371]

Russia holds a permanent seat, which grants it veto power, on the Security Council of the United Nations (UN). Prior to 1991, the Soviet Union held Russia's UN seat, but, after the breakup of the Soviet Union the Russian government informed the United Nations that Russia will continue the Soviet Union's membership at the United Nations and all other UN organs.

Russia is an active member of numerous UN system organizations, including:

Russia also participates in some of the most important UN peacekeeping missions, including:

Russia also holds memberships in:

Mediation in international conflicts

Russia has played an important role in helping mediate international conflicts and has been particularly actively engaged in trying to promote a peace following the Transnistrian war and the Kosovo conflict and the Proposed Russian annexation of South Ossetia. Russia's foreign minister claimed on 25 February 2008 that NATO and the European Union have been considering using force to keep Serbs from leaving Kosovo following the 2008 Kosovo declaration of independence.^[373]

Russia is a co-sponsor of the Middle East peace process and supports UN and multilateral initiatives in the Persian Gulf, Myanmar, Angola, the former Yugoslavia, and Haiti. Russia is a founding member of the Contact Group and (since the Denver Summit in June 1997) a member of the G8. In November 1998, Russia joined the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation Forum (APEC). Russia has contributed troops to the NATO-led stabilization force in Bosnia and has affirmed its respect for international law and OSCE principles. Russia has accepted UN and OSCE involvement in instances of regional conflict in neighboring countries, including the dispatch of observers to Georgia, Moldova, Tajikistan, and the former Republic of Artsakh, where in October 2023 Russian troops failed to withstand the incursion of the Azeri army.

Russia supported, on 16 May 2007, the set up of the international tribunal to try the suspects in the murder of the Lebanese Prime Minister, Rafiq Hariri.^[374]

Territorial disputes

The dispute between Russia and Latvia regarding the Pytalovo (Abrene) area of Pskov Oblast, Russia, was settled in 27 March 1997 border treaty.^[375]
Disputes over the boundary with the People's Republic of China were finally resolved on 21 July 2008. On that day the Foreign Ministers of the two countries signed an agreement in Beijing. Under the agreement, Russia ceded approximately 174 km² of territory to China.^[376] The territory transferred comprised Tarabarov Island and approximately half of Bolshoy Ussuriysky Island. The area transferred was largely uninhabited.^[377] The settlement of their border dispute followed over 40 years of negotiations. The final settlement was the result of the Treaty of Good-Neighborliness and Friendly Cooperation which was concluded on 2 June 2005 and signed by Chinese Foreign Minister Li Zhaoxing and his Russian counterpart, Sergei Lavrov. This followed talks in Vladivostok. There is now no border dispute between Russia and China along their 4300 km border.
Caspian Sea boundaries are not yet determined among all littoral states. Issues between Russia and the states bordering it –Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan –were settled in 2003. Russia has no common land or Caspian-sea border with Turkmenistan and Iran, which do not agree with the Caspian Sea settlements.
Russia has made no territorial claim in Antarctica, despite being a state that has first discovered that continent (but has reserved the right to make these claims), and does not recognize the claims of any other nation. The Soviet Union signed the Antarctic Treaty in 1960.
De jureTaiwan asserts that its territory includes all former lands of the Qing empire including Tuva, a part of Russia since 1944. Taiwan does not actively pursue its claim as it lacks any official relationship with Russia, which does not recognize Taiwan as a sovereign nation.

Unresolved

The Kuril Islands dispute concerns the islands of Iturup, Kunashir, and Shikotan and the Khabomai group, all of which had belonged to the Japanese Empire from 1855 until the Soviet–Japanese War when the Soviet Union occupied them and the southern part of the Sakhalin island since Japan has lost the war. The Russian SFSR, then part of the USSR, got them at the end of the Second World War during the 1945 Yalta Conference, when the Allies agreed to the cession of the islands to the USSR. However, this stipulation was not included in the treaty of Capitulation of Japan which later gave Japan a chance to demand the return of the "controversial northern territories". However, the disputed territory is currently administered by the Russian Federation, and the majority of inhabitants of the disputed territory are supportive of Russian administration, because all the Japanese inhabitants were expelled from the islands in 1946.
Territorial issues between Estonia and Russia regarding some territories of Pskov and Leningrad Oblast of Russia are still unresolved. The 2005 treaty on Estonia–Russia border was not ratified by the Russian side. Negotiations were reopened in 2012 and the Treaty was signed in February 2014, but ratification is still pending.^[379] In March 2022, President Putin sent the Estonian-Russia Border Agreement to the Russian-State Duma to be ratified, but nothing has come of it as of July 2022.^[380]
Disputes over the boundary with Georgia relating to Russia's recognition of Georgian regions, South Ossetia and Abkhazia as independent states, due to the 2008 South Ossetia war and which has led to the severance of all diplomatic relations between them.
Following the breakup of the Soviet Union, the Russian Federation refused to recognize Ukrainian sovereignty over Sevastopol as well as over the surrounding Crimean Oblast, using the argument that the city was never practically integrated into the Ukrainian SSR because of its military status. This claim was relinquished in the bilateral Peace and Friendship Treaty, which confirmed that both the Crimea and Sevastopol belong to Ukraine. A separate treaty established the terms of a long-term lease of land and resources in and around Sevastopol by Russia. In the Annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation of early 2014 Crimea was annexed by Russia.^[381]^[382] Since then status of the Crimea and of the city of Sevastopol is currently under dispute between Russia and Ukraine; Ukraine and the majority of the UN members consider Crimea to be an autonomous republic of Ukraine and Sevastopol to be one of Ukraine's cities with special status, while Russia and other UN members, on the other hand, consider Crimea to be a federal subject of Russia and Sevastopol to be one of Russia's federal cities.^[381]^[382] On 31 March 2014 the State Duma approved the denunciation of the above-mentioned Peace and Friendship Treaty and long-term lease of land in Sevastopol.^[383] Russia officially does not recognize "Crimea question" as a ground for any territorial disputes.
Donetsk oblast of Ukraine, currently occupied and claimed by Russia.
Luhansk oblast of Ukraine, currently occupied and claimed by Russia.
Kherson and Zaporizhzhia oblasts, partially occupied and claimed by Russia.

Notes

↑Sources:^[6]^[7]^[8]^[9]

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