Comparación del portugués y el español

El portugués y el español , aunque son lenguas romances estrechamente relacionadas , difieren en muchos aspectos de su fonología, gramática y léxico. Ambos pertenecen a un subconjunto de las lenguas romances conocido como romance ibérico occidental , que también incluye varias otras lenguas o dialectos con menos hablantes, todos los cuales son mutuamente inteligibles hasta cierto punto. Un estudio de 1949 del lingüista italoamericano Mario Pei , que analizaba el grado de diferencia con el progenitor de una lengua ( el latín , en el caso de las lenguas romances ) comparando la fonología , la flexión , la sintaxis , el vocabulario y la entonación , indicó los siguientes porcentajes (cuanto mayor sea el porcentaje, mayor la distancia con el latín): ^[1] En el caso del español fue del 20%, la tercera lengua romance más cercana al latín, solo por detrás del sardo (8% de distancia) y el italiano (12% de distancia). El portugués fue del 31%, lo que lo convierte en la segunda lengua más alejada del latín después del francés (44% de distancia).

Las diferencias más obvias se encuentran en la pronunciación. La inteligibilidad mutua es mayor entre las lenguas escritas que entre las habladas. Compárense, por ejemplo, las siguientes oraciones, que son aproximadamente equivalentes al proverbio inglés «Una palabra para el sabio es suficiente» o, una traducción más literal, «Para un buen oyente, unas pocas palabras son suficientes»:

Al buen entendor pocas palabras bastan ( Pronunciación en español: [al ˈβwen entendeˈðoɾ ˈpokas paˈlaβɾas ˈβastan] )

Ao bom entendor poucas palavras bastam ( portugués europeo: [aw ˈβõ ẽtẽdɨˈðoɾ ˈpokɐʃ pɐˈlavɾɐʒ ˈβaʃtɐ̃w] ).

Sin embargo, algunos dialectos brasileños, incluidos algunos encontrados en la Amazonia brasileña, mantienen más similitudes con la pronunciación europea que con la de la región sur de Brasil.

También existen algunas diferencias significativas entre el portugués europeo y el portugués brasileño , como las que existen entre el inglés británico y el estadounidense o entre el español peninsular y el latinoamericano . En este artículo se indican estas diferencias únicamente en los siguientes casos:

• Tanto el portugués brasileño como el europeo difieren no sólo entre sí, sino también del español;
• Tanto el español peninsular (es decir, el europeo) como el latinoamericano difieren no sólo entre sí, sino también del portugués; o
• El portugués brasileño o europeo difiere del español en una sintaxis que no es posible en español (mientras que el otro dialecto no lo es).

El portugués y el español comparten una gran cantidad de palabras que se escriben de manera idéntica o casi idéntica (aunque la pronunciación casi siempre difiere), o que difieren de maneras a menudo predecibles. Considere, por ejemplo, el siguiente párrafo, tomado de la Gramática esencial del español , de Manuel Seco (Espasa Calpe, 1989), y compárelo con la traducción literal al portugués que aparece a continuación, observando las similitudes léxicas y las diferencias en el orden de las palabras:

Pero, a pesar de esta variedad de posibilidades que posee la voz, sería un instrumento de comunicación muy pobre si no contara más que con ella. La capacidad de expresión del hombre no dispondría de más medios que la de los animales. La voz, sola, es para el hombre apenas una materia informada, que para convertirse en un instrumento perfecto de comunicación debe ser sometida a un cierto tratamiento. Esa manipulación que recibe la voz son las "articulaciones". (Español)

Pero, apesar de la variedad de posibilidades que a voz possui, esta seria un instrumento de comunicación muy pobre se só se pudesse contar con ella. La capacidad de expresión del hogar no dispone de más ingenios que los animales. La voz, sozinha, es para el hogar apenas una materia informada, que para se convierte en un perfecto instrumento de comunicación tem que ser submetido a ciertos procesos. Esas manipulaciones que se reciben en la voz son "articulaciones". (Portugués)

Pero, a pesar de esta variedad de posibilidades que posee la voz, sería un instrumento de comunicación muy pobre si no tuviera más. La capacidad de expresión del hombre no tendría más herramientas que la de los animales. La voz por sí sola es para el hombre un mero medio informe, que para convertirse en un instrumento de comunicación perfecto debe ser sometido a ciertos procesos. Las manipulaciones que sufre la voz son las "articulaciones". (Inglés)

Ahora, observemos la siguiente muestra, extraída del diario El País . En ella se utiliza un lenguaje más cotidiano y con pocos cognados, por lo que la inteligibilidad acaba siendo muy baja para hablantes que no tienen conocimientos de la otra lengua.

Más de 200 personas encendieron hogueras e intentaron acercarse de nuevo a la delegación, la meta que no lograron el día anterior. Más contenedores ardieron en esas calles. Varias furgonetas de la Policía cargaron e intentaron hacerles frente. Pero lejos de detenerse, los manifestantes corrieron contra un grupo de agentes que se quedó solo en la vía. La policía los dispersó disparando pelotas de goma, hasta lograr resguardarse de nuevo en la calle de Mallorca. La tensión se masticaba entre los agentes, rodeados de hogueras. (Español)

Más de 200 personas atearam fogo e tentaram aproximar-se de novo à estação, objetivo esse que não atingiram no dia anterior. Mais contentores foram incendiados nas ruas. Várias viaturas policiais intervieram e tentaram confrontá-las. No entanto, en vez de recuar, los manifestantes viraram-se contra un grupo de agentes que ficou aislado en la calle. A polícia dispersou-os disparando balas de borracha, abrigando-se novamente na Rua de Maiorca. A tensão era palpável nos agentes, cercados por focos de incendio. (Portugués)

Más de 200 personas volvieron a encender hogueras e intentaron acercarse a la comisaría, objetivo que no consiguieron el día anterior. Se quemaron más contenedores en las calles. Varios furgones policiales cargados intentaron enfrentarse a ellos. Pero lejos de amedrentarse, los manifestantes avanzaron contra un grupo aislado de agentes en la calzada. La policía los dispersó disparando balas de goma y lograron ponerse a cubierto de nuevo en la calle Mallorca. La tensión era palpable entre los policías, que estaban rodeados de hogueras .

Si bien la mayoría de las diferencias léxicas entre el español y el portugués provienen de la influencia de la lengua árabe en el vocabulario español, ^{[2] [3]} la mayoría de las similitudes y palabras cognadas en los dos idiomas tienen su origen en el latín, ^[4] pero varios de estos cognados difieren, en mayor o menor medida, en significado.

Algunas palabras tienen dos formas en un idioma, pero sólo una en el otro:

• El portugués criar corresponde tanto al español crear como a criar .
• El español sueño (un sustantivo que puede significar tanto 'soñar' como 'dormir') corresponde tanto al portugués sonho 'sueño' como a sono 'dormir' (el primero del latín somnium y el segundo de somnus , que producían el mismo resultado en español).

Algunos pares de cognados difieren en que tienen un significado más amplio o más restringido en un idioma que en el otro, o sus significados son completamente diferentes. Por este motivo se los denomina " falsos amigos ":

Muchos pares de cognados han llegado a tener significados diferentes debido al cambio semántico . Estos falsos amigos incluyen los siguientes:

• Diseñar significa 'diseñar' en español, mientras que su cognado portugués desenhar significa 'dibujar'.
• De manera similar, el español dibujo , con su equivalente portugués arcaico debuxo que significa "boceto", fue reemplazado por rascunho ; a su vez, el cf. español rasguño significa "rasguño" (compárese con "scratchpad", es decir, cuaderno, en inglés).
• En español, largo (raro/arcaico luengo ) significa 'largo', mientras que ancho significa 'ancho'. En portugués, largo (raro/arcaico ancho ) significa 'ancho' y longo, como en inglés, 'long'.
• Extrañar puede significar 'encontrar algo extraño' o 'extrañar'. Extrañar significa 'encontrar algo extraño' o ' encontrar algo extraño ' .
• En español , "raro" puede significar "raro" o "extraño". En portugués, simplemente significa "raro".
• En español, "aún" puede significar "todavía" y "todavía" puede significar tanto "todavía" como "sin embargo". En portugués, "todavia" significa "sin embargo". En portugués, "todavía" es ainda .
• El español (estar) embarazada significa '(estar) embarazada'. El portugués (estar) embaraçada significa '(estar) avergonzado' o '(estar) enredado'. ^[6] Sin embargo, el español tiene el término embarazoso/a que significa 'vergonzoso'. 'Embarazada' en portugués es grávida (cognado de una palabra menos utilizada en español) . El portugués prenhe y el español preñada se usan principalmente para animales preñados, pero rara vez para mujeres, en ambos idiomas.
• En español, "exquisito " significa "exquisito/sofisticado". En portugués, "esquisito " significa "extraño/raro".
• Experto significa 'experto' en español. En portugués, su homófono esperto significa 'listo/inteligente/astuto'. En portugués, también se puede encontrar perito , especialista o exímio , que tienen lo mismo en español ( eximio se escribe sin tilde).
• En español, escoba significa "escoba". En portugués, escova significa "cepillo" (en portugués, "vassoura" significa "escoba"). Sin embargo, en algunas variedades del español, escobilla o escobeta significa "escobilla de baño".
• El apellido en español se dice apelido en portugués europeo, y sobrenome tanto en portugués brasileño como europeo (aunque en portugués se suele decir apelido ). El sobrenombre en español / apodo se dice apelido /alcunha/codinome en portugués brasileño, y alcunha en portugués europeo.
• El español "rojo" es "rojo". El portugués " roxo " es "púrpura". "Rojo" en portugués es vermelho (cognado con los españoles bermejo y bermellón , que significan "bermellón" o "cinabrio"). En portugués europeo la palabra encarnado (literalmente en la carne ) también se usa como sinónimo de "rojo", aunque vermelho es más frecuente.
• En español, rubio significa 'cabello rubio'. En portugués, ruivo o ruço significa 'cabello pelirrojo'.
• En español, apenas significa "apenas". En portugués, apenas significa "solamente". Por lo tanto, la frase en español él apenas pudo dormir significa "ni siquiera podía dormir" o "apenas podía dormir", mientras que la frase en portugués ele pôde apenas dormir significa "lo único que podía hacer era dormir".
• Español vaso significa 'vaso para beber', mientras que portugués vaso significa maceta o inodoro (de vaso sanitario ). Un 'vaso para beber' en portugués es copo , mientras que español copa es una copa de vino. Una copa de vino en portugués es copo , taça es una copa de champán o una taza de postre (es decir, mousse de chocolate o helado) mientras que español taza es una 'taza de café o taza de té'; español taza también se refiere a un inodoro. 'Taza de café' en portugués es xícara de café / chávena , mientras que español jícara es 'cuenco' o 'calabaza'.
• En español (y en portugués europeo) cachorro significa cachorro , mientras que en portugués brasileño puede referirse a un perro de cualquier edad.

Varias de las frecuentes " palabras funcionales " ( pronombres , conjunciones , etc.) son cognados en los dos idiomas, pero se usan de formas ligeramente diferentes, incluidas las siguientes:

El pronombre español todo puede significar 'todo/cada' o 'todo'. El portugués distingue entre todo (masculino) y tudo (neutro, usado para un objeto indefinido o una abstracción).

Todos los insectos tienen seis patas. (Español)

Todos los insectos tienen seis patas. (Portugués)

' Todos los insectos tienen seis patas.'

El ladrón lo robó todo . (Español)

O ladrão roubou tudo . (Portugués)

'El ladrón lo robó todo' o 'El ladrón lo robó todo .'

El español utiliza un acento agudo en los pronombres interrogativos , mientras que los pronombres relativos correspondientes (etimológicamente las mismas palabras) se escriben sin el acento para marcar la diferencia en el estrés prosódico . ^[7] (Como se explica a continuación, el acento agudo a menudo cambia el sonido de la vocal en portugués, pero no en español). Por ejemplo, ¿quién? (¿quién?) y quien (quién) en español, pero quem para ambos en portugués. Aparte de eso, mientras que "quem" es invariable, el español tiene tanto el singular "quién" como el plural "quiénes" . Como se muestra en los ejemplos a continuación, la diferencia entre singular y plural se destaca por el uso de "é" para singular y "são" para plural:

Ejemplo 1:

¿Quién es ese hombre? (Español)

¿Quem é esse homem? (Portugués)

'¿Quién es ese hombre?' (en inglés: "who" es invariable)

¿Quién es son esas personas? (Español)

¿Qué son esas personas? (Portugués)

'¿Quiénes son esas personas?' (en inglés, nuevamente, "quién" es invariable)

(En los ejemplos portugueses, la "m" al final de "quem" es un marcador de nasalización (al igual que el diptongo nasal "ão" en "são". Por lo tanto, no se pronuncia).

El español distingue el adjetivo mucho del adverbio muy . El portugués utiliza muito para ambos (también existe mui , pero se considera anticuado). "Mucho" también es un adverbio; mientras que "muy" modifica adjetivos y adverbios, "mucho" modifica verbos y adverbios específicos como "más", que a veces también puede ser un sustantivo.

Saqué muchas fotos durante el viaje. (Español)

Tirei muitas fotos durante un viaje. (Portugués)

'Tomé muchas fotografías durante el viaje.'

Las cerezas están muy maduras. (Español)

As cerejas estão muito maduras. (Portugués)

'Las cerezas están bastante maduras.'

El auto anda muy lento. (Español)

El carro es muito lento. (Portugués)

'El coche va muy lento.'

Intentaba mucho no hacer mucho ruido. (Español)

Tentava muito não fazer muito barulho (portugués)

"Estaba intentando con todas mis fuerzas mantener el silencio."

Tienes que pensar mucho más. (Español)

Tem de pensar mucho más. (Portugués)

«Tienes que pensar mucho más.»

Como adjetivo, muito se declina según el género y número del sustantivo al que califica, como mucho . Como adverbio, es invariable, como muy . Por lo tanto, sería incorrecto decir * muitas maduras en el segundo ejemplo.

Los números cardinales son muy similares en español y portugués, pero hay diferencias de uso en los números uno y dos. El español tiene diferentes palabras para el artículo indefinido singular masculino ('a, an') y el numeral 'one', por lo tanto, un capítulo 'un capítulo', pero capítulo uno 'capítulo uno'. En portugués, ambas palabras son la misma: um capítulo y capítulo um . El español uno también se puede utilizar como pronombre, como el genérico inglés "one" , para representar un sujeto indeterminado, pero esto no es posible con el portugués um ; se debe utilizar el pronombre reflexivo se en su lugar. Se puede utilizar en español también para formar construcciones pasivas e impersonales. ^[8]

Uno ( o Se ) debe pensar antes de actuar. (Español)

Deve- se pensar antes de agir. (Portugués)

“ Hay que pensar antes de actuar”.

Esto sigue siendo válido en los casos en los que se asigna género a un sujeto relativamente indeterminado, como en el caso del español todos a una [voz] (literalmente, "todos a la vez"); en portugués debería reescribirse sin ningún número cardinal, por ejemplo, " todos juntos".

Por otro lado, en portugués, el número cardinal 'dos' se flexiona con género ( dois si es masculino, duas si es femenino), mientras que en español dos se usa para ambos.

Uno más uno es igual a dos . (Español)

Um mais um é igual a dos . (Portugués)

'Uno más uno es igual a dos .'

Dos cabezas piensan mejor que una. (Español)

Duas cabeças pensam melhor que uma. (Portugués)

' Dos cabezas piensan mejor que una.'

Tengo dos hermanos y dos hermanas. (Español)

Tenho dois irmãos e duas irmãs. (Portugués)

'Tengo dos hermanos y dos hermanas.'

La conjunción "y" en español se escribe y (se pronuncia [i] antes de una consonante, [j] antes de una vocal) antes de todas las palabras excepto las que comienzan con un sonido [i] (escrito i - o hi -). Antes de un sonido [i] silábico (y no el diptongo [je] como en hierro ), la conjunción española se escribe e [e̞] . En portugués se usa e [i] antes de todas las palabras.

Sal y pimienta .

Sal y pimienta. (Portugués)

'Sal y pimienta.'

Judío e hindú. (Español)

Judío e hindú. (Portugués)

'Judío e hindú.'

Leones y hienas .

Leones y hienas. (Portugués)

'Leones y hienas.'

De manera similar, para la conjunción "o" el español utiliza o [o̞] antes de todas las palabras excepto aquellas que comienzan con o - o ho -, en cuyo caso utiliza u [w] . El portugués siempre utiliza ou [ow] ~ [o] .

Vino o agua. (Español)

Vino o agua. (Portugués)

'Vino o agua.'

Uno u otro. (Español)

Um ou outro. (en portugués)

"Uno o el otro."

En portugués, la palabra se puede ser un pronombre reflexivo o una conjunción que significa 'si'. Esto puede dar la falsa impresión de que un verbo portugués es pronominal cuando no lo es . Por ejemplo, Se ficou em Paris... significa 'Si él/ella/eso se quedó en París...'. Cuando la conjunción se precede a un verbo pronominal, es común tener un se doble en la oración, como Se se esqueceu da sua senha... 'Si olvidaste tu contraseña...'

En español, le y les se cambian a se cuando van seguidos de lo , la , los o las . Por ejemplo, "Mi abuelo les compró los regalos" se convierte en "Mi abuelo se los compró". Véase también "Combinación de pronombres en español" a continuación. Además, en español se utiliza sé como verbo irregular en la primera persona del singular del indicativo de saber (saber) y en la segunda persona del singular del imperativo de ser (ser). En portugués, estos son sei y sê respectivamente.

A pesar de que el vocabulario español y portugués es mayoritariamente afín, una cantidad significativa de palabras comunes son completamente diferentes en los dos idiomas (aunque en algunos casos existen afines, pero son poco frecuentes o arcaicos en uno de los dos idiomas). Algunos ejemplos son los siguientes:

Las diferencias de vocabulario entre ambos idiomas surgieron de diversos factores. El portugués y el español evolucionaron por separado a partir de la Edad Media y, al ser el portugués más atlántico , no absorbió mucha influencia mediterránea:

Tanto el portugués como, en menor medida, el español han tomado préstamos lingüísticos directamente del francés o, a través del francés, de otras fuentes (en su mayoría grecolatinas). A continuación, se muestran algunos ejemplos en los que el portugués utiliza palabras derivadas del francés en situaciones cotidianas:

El español tiene un vocabulario mozárabe ^{[68] [69]} significativo de origen árabe , mientras que el portugués tiene una influencia notablemente menor. ^[70] En la mayoría de los casos, también habrá un sinónimo latino, gótico o griego en el léxico español, aunque no se use activamente. A continuación se ofrecen algunos ejemplos:

Conversely, there are a few examples where a word of Arabic origin is used in Portuguese but not in Spanish, such as: Sp. romero, Port. alecrim (Port. rosmaninho or rosmarinho means 'lavender'), 'rosemary'; Sp. lechuga, Port. alface (in Port. leituga means 'catsear'), 'lettuce'; or more commonly used in Portuguese than in Spanish although the word exists in both languages, such as: chafariz 'fountain' (Port.fonte, Sp. fuente) or garrafa 'bottle' (Port. botelha, Sp. botella) Port. alfaiate (in Port. both costureiro and sartório are also commonly used), Sp. sastre 'tailor'.^[114] In a few cases Spanish and Portuguese have both borrowed different Arabic-derived words for the same meaning, such as: Sp. alfombra, Port. alcatifa, 'carpet'; Sp. aduana, Port. alfândega, 'customs' (in Port. aduaneiro is an adjective which means 'of or relating to customs'); the latter is derived from the name of a town in Portugal that once stood on the boundary between Christendom and Islam.^[114]

Arabic is the source of a few personal given names and numerous derivative surnames and place names in Spain, including the following:

Almudena,^[115] Azucena,^[116] Guadalupe,^[117] Mohamed,^[118] Soraya,^[119] Zulema,^[120] Abenamir, Abengoa, Avengoa, Abenójar, Alcalá,^[121] Almuzara, Acebrón, Aceituno, Aceitón, Aguera,^[122] Aguiló, Alamar, Alamino, Alanzor, Albarral, Albarrán, Albo, Albaicín, Alcantud, Alcazar,^[123] Alcudia, Alguacil, Allobar, Almaguer, Almandós, Almandoz, Almería, Almodóvar, Almoravit, Ambasil, Andujar, Aranda, Ayas, Aias, Benayas, Bardaxí, Benajara, Benameji,^[124] Benasar, Bennásar, Benavides, Bendala, Bujalance,^[69] Calatayud, Ceuta, Cid, Córdoba, Dris, Faulí, Gálvez, Godesteiz, Granada, Guadalupe,^[125] Gudiel, Hispán, Yllán, Illán, Illanes, Iznajar,^[69] Jaén, Madrid, Manzaneque,^[126] Mezquita, Mezquitas, Mudarra, Palomoque, Trujillo, Zanata, Zaratan, Zarate,^[127] Zaratin, Zegrí, Cegrí, Zorita.^[128]

Spanish and Portuguese have acquired different words from various Amerindian, African and Asian languages, as in the following examples:

• 'pineapple': Sp. piña (from the Spanish word for 'pine cone') / Port. abacaxi (from Tupi) or ananás (from Tupi–Guarani; also in Spanish, by way of Portuguese, ananás or ananá).
• 'smoking pipe': Sp. pipa (from supposed Late Latin pīpa) / Port. cachimbo (from Kimbundu).^[129]
• 'tea': Sp. té (from Min Nan Chinese) / Port. chá (from Cantonese).^[130]

Like with most European languages, both Spanish and Portuguese acquired numerous Greek words mainly related to sciences, arts and humanities:

• 'ophthalmologist': Sp. oftalmólogo / Port. oftalmologista (from Gr.'ὀφθαλμός ophthalmós 'eye'+ λογία logia') /
• 'surgeon': Sp. cirujano / Port. cirurgião (from Gr.'χειρουργία cheirourgia') /
• 'psychoanalysis': Sp. psicoanálisis, sicoanálisis / Port. psicanálise from Fra. psychanalyse < (from Gr.'ψυχο psycho + ἀνάλυσις analysis') /
• 'chiropodist': Sp. podólogo^[131] (Gr. 'ποδης') / Port. quiropodista (from Gr. 'kheiropódes') /
• 'bibliography': Sp. bibliografía / Port. bibliografia (from Gr.'βιβλία biblia + γραφή graphḗ') /
• 'photosynthesis': Sp. fotosíntesis / Port. fotossíntese (from Gr.'φῶς + σύνθεσις' ) /
• 'acrolith': Sp. acrolito / Port. acrólito (from Gr.'ἀκρόλιθος') /
• 'apocalypse': Sp. apocalipsis / Port. apocalipse (from Gr.'ἀποκάλυψις')/
• 'cemetery': Sp. cementerio / Port. cemitério (from Gr. ' κοιμητήριον koimētḗrion')
• 'hermitage': Sp. lugar aislado (from Lat. locālis + insŭla) / Port. ermida, ermo (from < Gr. 'ἔρημος')

Unlike the other Romance languages, modern Portuguese does not use the Roman planetary system for the days Monday through Friday. Instead, the weekdays are numerical, and derived from Ecclesiastical Latin. The word feira (from Latin fēria) refers to daily (Roman Catholic) religious celebrations; it is cognate with feira 'fair' or 'market', as well as with férias 'vacation' and feriado 'holiday'. In Spanish, the days of the week are all masculine; in Portuguese, the feira days are feminine, while sábado and domingo are masculine.

Broadly speaking, the grammars of Portuguese and Spanish share many common features. Nevertheless, some differences between them can present hurdles to people acquainted with one and learning the other.

Spanish has three forms for the singular definite article, el, masculine, la, feminine, and lo, neuter. The last is used with adjectives to form abstract nouns employed in a generic sense, and also to intensify the meaning of adjectives. In Portuguese, there is only o, masculine, and a, feminine. Literary Spanish has also three corresponding third person pronouns, él 'he', ella 'she', and ello 'it' (referring to a broad concept, not a named object), while Portuguese has only ele, masculine, and ela, feminine. The Spanish neuters lo and ello have no plural forms.

Some words are masculine in Spanish, but feminine in Portuguese, or vice versa. A common example are nouns ended in -aje in Spanish, which are masculine, and their Portuguese cognates ending in -agem, which are feminine. For example, Spanish el viaje 'the journey' (masculine, like French le voyage and Italian il viaggio) corresponds to the Portuguese feminine a viagem. Similarly, el puente 'bridge', el dolor 'pain', or el árbol 'tree' are masculine nouns in Modern Spanish, whereas a ponte, a dor, and a árvore are feminine in Portuguese. On the other hand, the Spanish feminine la leche 'the milk' corresponds to Portuguese o leite (masculine, like French le lait, Italian il latte). Likewise, nariz 'nose' is feminine in Spanish and masculine in Portuguese.

Some Spanish words can be both masculine and feminine, with different meanings. Both meanings usually exist also in Portuguese, but with one and the same gender, so that they can't be differentiated unless further information is provided. For instance, the word orden 'order' can mean both 'harmonious arrangement' and 'directive', like its counterparts in English and Portuguese. But the Spanish word is masculine when used with the first meaning, and feminine with the second:

Me sorprendió el orden. ('I was surprised by the order [i.e., by how orderly it all was].')

Me sorprendió la orden. ('I was surprised by the order [i.e., by the directive that was given].')

In Portuguese, the equivalent word ordem is always feminine:

Me surpreendeu/Surpreendeu-me a ordem. ('I was surprised by the order.')

Without additional context, it is impossible to tell which meaning was intended in Portuguese and English (though other words could be substituted; in English, one would likely use orderliness in the first case above rather than order, which would, by itself, suggest the second case).

In many varieties of Portuguese, personal names are normally preceded by a definite article, a trait also found in Catalan. In Portuguese, this is a relatively recent development, which some Brazilian dialects have not adopted yet, most notably in some states of the Brazilian Northeast. In those dialects of Portuguese that do regularly use definite articles before proper nouns, the article may be omitted for extra formality, or to show distance in a literary narrative. Compare, for example, English "Mary left", Spanish María salió, and Portuguese A Maria saiu. Note, however, that in many Spanish dialects the definite article is used before personal names; thus, la María salió is commonly heard.

Portuguese uses the definite article before the names of some cities and almost all countries except relatively new ones, such as Cingapura/Singapura ('Singapore'), and those related to Portugal (or with which Portugal has historical relationships, even though this is a rough rule) and the Portuguese-speaking countries, e.g., a Holanda but Portugal; o México but Angola, a Suécia, but Moçambique. The major exception to the country rule is o Brasil. In Spanish, use of the definite article is optional with some countries: (la) China, (el) Japón, (la) India, (la) Argentina, (el) Ecuador, (el) Perú, (el) Uruguay, (el) Paraguay, (el) Brasil, (los) Estados Unidos, etc. The same is true with two continents: (la) Antártida and (el) África; with archipelagos and islands: (las) Filipinas, (las) Canarias, (las) Azores, with some provinces, regions or territories: (el) Tíbet, (la) Toscana, (el) Piamonte, (el) Lacio and with some cities: (el) Cairo, (la) Valeta. Spanish uses the definite article with all geographical names when they appear with an adjective or modifying phrase, as in the following examples: la España medieval 'medieval Spain', el Puerto Rico prehispánico 'pre-Hispanic Puerto Rico', el Portugal de Salazar 'Portugal during Salazar's dictatorship', etc.

Santiago es la capital de Chile. (Spanish)

Santiago é a capital do Chile. (Portuguese)

'Santiago is the capital of Chile.'

Él es de Costa Rica, que está en América Central. (Spanish)

Ele é da Costa Rica, que fica na América Central. (Portuguese)

'He is from Costa Rica, which is in Central America.'

Tengo un boleto para (los) Estados Unidos de América. (Spanish)

Tenho um bilhete para os Estados Unidos da América. (Portuguese)

'I have a ticket to the United States of America.'

Nueva Delhi no es la ciudad más poblada de (la) India. (Spanish)

Nova Déli não é a cidade mais populosa da Índia. (Portuguese)

'New Delhi is not the most populous city in India.'

La Europa medieval pertenecía a monarcas absolutos. (Spanish)

A Europa medieval pertencia a monarcas absolutos. (Portuguese)

'Medieval Europe belonged to absolute monarchs.'

Portuguese omits the definite article in stating the time of day unless para as is used.

Son las nueve y cuarto, but also Son nueve y quince or Son nueve quince. (Spanish)

São (as) nove (horas) e quinze (minutos). (Portuguese) (parenthesical parts often omitted)

'It's nine fifteen.' Or:'It's a quarter past/after nine.'

In addition, in most dialects of Portuguese the definite article is used before possessive adjectives (as it is used in Italian), which is not possible in Spanish. For instance, the sentence 'This is my brother' is Este es mi hermano in Spanish, but may be Este é o meu irmão in Portuguese. Nevertheless, in many Brazilian dialects (mostly in the Northeast) and in casual Brazilian Portuguese the article is not used in sentences such as: Este é meu irmão (although it usually reappears in sentences such as "O meu irmão está lá").

In Portuguese, possessive adjectives have the same form as possessive pronouns, and they all agree with the gender of the possessed item. In Spanish, the same is true of nuestro/nuestra ("our") and vuestro/vuestra ("your" [plural]), but for all other possessives, the pronoun has a longer form that agrees with the gender of the possessed item, while the adjective has a shorter form that does not change for gender. The possessive adjectives are normally preceded by a definite article in Continental Portuguese, less so in Brazilian Portuguese, and never in Spanish. The possessive pronouns are preceded by a definite article in all dialects of both languages. See examples in the table below.

In Portuguese, third-person clitic pronouns have special variants used after certain types of verb endings, which does not happen in Spanish. The default object pronouns o/a/os/as change to lo/la/los/las when they follow a verb that ends in ⟨r⟩, ⟨s⟩ or ⟨z⟩, and to no/na/nos/nas when they follow a verb that ends in a nasal sound.

In Brazilian Portuguese, these forms are uncommon, since the pronoun normally precedes the verb (i.e., você o mantenha in the above example), and third-person subject pronouns are used informally as object pronouns (mantenha ele). However, as it has been considered ungrammatical to begin a sentence with an object pronoun, the above examples are, on rare occasion, used in Brazil as well.

European Portuguese differs from Brazilian Portuguese with regard to the placement of clitic personal pronouns, and Spanish is in turn different from both of them.

• In Spanish, clitic pronouns normally come before the verb, except with the imperative, the infinitive, and the gerund. In verbal periphrases, they precede the auxiliary verb.
• In spoken Brazilian Portuguese, clitic pronouns normally come before the main verb. In verbal periphrases, they come between the auxiliary verb and the main verb. This occurs even with the imperative, the infinitive, the gerund, and the past participle.
• In European Portuguese, clitic pronouns may come before or after the verb, depending on the type of clause. In verbal periphrases, they may precede or follow the auxiliary verb, or follow the main verb (when this is in the infinitive or the gerund).

In Portuguese, verbs in the future indicative or conditional tense may be split into morphemes, and the clitic pronoun can be inserted between them, a feature known as mesoclisis. This also occurred in Old Spanish, but no comparable phenomenon takes place in modern Spanish:

Lo traerá. (Spanish)

Trá-lo-á. (European Portuguese and formal written Brazilian Portuguese)

'He/She will bring it.'

However, these tenses are often replaced with others in the spoken language. Future indicative is sometimes replaced by present indicative; conditional is very often replaced by imperfect indicative. In colloquial language, most Portuguese would state trá-lo-á as vai trazê-lo ('going to bring it') or irá trazê-lo ('will bring it'). In Brazilian Portuguese, "vai trazer ele" would be the vernacular use.

The Spanish construction, se lo dio, means either '[He/She] gave it to [him/her]' or '[He/She] gave it to himself/herself'. The expected pattern for the former would be *le lo dio, but such a construction does not exist. This is unique to Spanish.

• Latin: dedit illī illud → dedit illī illum (early Vulgar Latin) → dit illi illu (Late Vulgar Latin)
• Spanish: dio (i)lli (el)lo → dio ge lo → diógelo (arch.) → dióselo → se lo dio
• Portuguese: deu (i)lli (l)o → deu lhe (l)o → deu-lho

Thus, modern Spanish makes no distinction between the reflexive pronoun se and the dative personal pronoun se, whereas in Portuguese it would be "deu-so" for the reflexive pronoun and "deu-lho" for the dative case. Note that this did not happen in old Spanish: diógelo, 'he gave it to him', dióselo, 'he gave it to himself'. The medieval g sound (similar to that of French) was replaced with s in the 14th-15th centuries (cf. Spanish coger, 'to catch', but cosecha, 'harvest', Port. colher and colheita, both from Lat. colligere).

In standard Spanish, stressed pronouns in the subject position are never used for inanimate subjects (i.e., things, as opposed to people or animals), not even for clarity or disambiguation purposes, except when modified by an attribute (él solito may mean 'he by himself' or 'it by itself').^[133] Portuguese knows no such restriction, so that stressed pronouns referring to inanimate subjects can either be used or dropped:

¿Dónde están las llaves? (Están) En la mesa. (Spanish – pronoun should be dropped, not *Ellas están...; verb is often dropped)

O que é das chaves?/ Cadê as chaves? (Elas estão) Na mesa. (Portuguese – pronoun and verb are optional, the verb can be used without the pronoun: Estão...)

'Where are the keys? (They are) On the table.' (English – pronoun and verb are not necessarily required, but the verb requires the pronoun, not *Are...)

The use of second-person pronouns differs dramatically between Spanish and Portuguese, and even more so between European and Brazilian Portuguese. Spanish tú and usted correspond etymologically to Portuguese tu and você, but Portuguese has gained a third, even more formal form o(s) senhor(es), a(s) senhora(s), demoting você to an "equalizing" rather than respectful register. The old familiar forms have been largely lost in the Portuguese-speaking world, as the Portuguese equalizing forms você or vocês have displaced tu to a large extent and vós almost entirely; and even where tu is still used, the second-person verb forms that historically corresponded to it are often replaced by the same (third-person) forms that are used with "você".

In the plural, Portuguese familiar vós is archaic nearly everywhere (as with the old English second singular "thou"), and both the subject pronoun and its corresponding second-person plural verb forms are generally limited to the Bible, traditional prayers, and spoken varieties of certain regions of rural Portugal; normally, the familiar (and equalizing) form is now vocês, although in Portugal the second person plural forms are retained for both object and possessive pronouns (e.g., vocês e a vossa família). In the case of northern and central Peninsular Spanish, tú, usted, vosotros, and ustedes have more or less kept their original functions; if anything, tú is displacing usted out of common use and usted is coming to be used only for formal situations (like o senhor in Portuguese). Latin American Spanish is more complicated: vosotros has fallen out of use in favor of ustedes, but certain regions of Spanish America also use vos as a singular informal pronoun, displacing tú out of its original role to a greater or lesser extent (see voseo).

Spoken Brazilian Portuguese has dramatically simplified the pronoun system, with você(s) tending to displace all other forms. Although a few parts of Brazil still use tu and the corresponding second-person singular verb forms, most areas either use tu with third-person verb forms or (increasingly) drop tu entirely in favor of você. This has in turn caused the original third-person possessive seu, sua to shift to primarily second-person use, alongside the appearance of a new third-person possessive dele, dela (plural deles, delas, "their") that follows the noun (thus paraphrases such as o carro dele "his car", o carro dela "her car"). The formal o senhor is also increasingly restricted to certain situations, such as that of a storekeeper addressing a customer, or a child or teenager addressing an adult stranger.

More conservative in this regard is the fluminense dialect of Brazilian Portuguese (spoken in Rio de Janeiro, Espírito Santo and in the Zona da Mata of the state of Minas Gerais) – especially its carioca sociolect. This dialect generally preserves intimate or familiar tu, the standard equalizing form você, and the respectful or formal o senhor/a senhora, together with their related possessives, to such an extent that almost all speakers use these forms, according to context. Nevertheless, a minority of educated speakers correctly conjugates all of the tu pronouns formally; otherwise, it is mostly conjugated as você.

Standard Portuguese usage has vocês and os senhores/as senhoras as plurals of você and o senhor/a senhora, but the vernacular has also produced new forms with the second-person familiar plural function, such as gente (compare a gente as a possible colloquial variation of nós, "we"/"us", that should be conjugated—but commonly is not—as third-person singular), pessoas, pessoal, [meu] povo, cês (eye dialect for vocês in colloquial pronunciation), and galera (the latter mainly associated with youth slang).

It is often said that the gaúcho, nordestino and amazofonia dialects, as well as some sociolects elsewhere, such as that in and around the city of Santos, have preserved tu; but unlike in fluminense, the use of você is very limited, and entirely absent among some speakers, and tu takes its place. In these areas, the verb with tu is conjugated in the third-person form (as with você) – except among educated speakers in some urban centers such as Porto Alegre and, especially, Belém. See Brazilian Portuguese.

Spanish and Portuguese have two main copulas, ser and estar. For the most part, the use of these verbs is the same in both languages, but there are a few cases where it differs. The main difference between Spanish and Portuguese is in the interpretation of the concept of state versus essence and in the generalizations one way or another that are made in certain constructions. For instance,

Está prohibido fumar. (Spanish) [estar]

É proibido fumar. (Portuguese) [ser]

'Smoking is forbidden.'

La silla está hecha de madera. (Spanish) [estar]

A cadeira é feita de madeira. (Portuguese) [ser]

'The chair is made of wood.'

Sólo uno es correcto. (Spanish) [ser]

Só um está correcto. (Portuguese) [estar]

'Only one is correct.'

Also, the use of ser regarding a permanent location is much more accepted in Portuguese. Conversely, estar is often permanent in Spanish regarding a location, while in Portuguese, it implies being temporary or something within the immediate vicinity (same house, building, etc.)

Nuestra oficina queda (or está) muy lejos. (Spanish) [quedar/estar]

O nosso escritório é (or fica) muito longe. (Portuguese) [ser/ficar]

'Our office is very far away.'

¿Dónde está (or queda) el aeropuerto? (Spanish) [estar/quedar]

Onde fica (or é) o aeroporto? (Portuguese) [ficar/ser]

'Where is the airport?'

Because the airport is obviously not anywhere nearby, ficar is used in Portuguese (most common), though ser can also be used.

Secondary copulas are quedar(se) in Spanish and ficar in Portuguese. Each can also mean 'to stay' or 'to remain.'

Me quedé dentro de la casa todo el día. (Spanish)

Fiquei dentro de casa todo o dia. (Portuguese)

'I stayed inside the house all day.'

The Spanish sentence using the reflexive form of the verb (quedarse) implies that staying inside the house was voluntary, while Portuguese and English are quite ambiguous on this matter without any additional context. (See also the next section.)

Both Spanish quedar(se) and Portuguese ficar can mean 'become':

Mi abuela se está quedando sorda. (Spanish)

(A) Minha avó está ficando surda. (Brazilian Portuguese and some dialects of European Portuguese)

(A) minha avó está a ficar surda. (European Portuguese)

'My grandmother is becoming deaf.'

Reflexive verbs are somewhat more frequent in Spanish than in Portuguese, especially with actions relating to parts of the body:

Guillermo se quebró la pierna jugando al fútbol. (Spanish)

(O) Guilherme quebrou(-se) a perna jogando futebol. (Brazilian Portuguese)

(O) Guilherme partiu a perna a jogar futebol. (European Portuguese)

'Guilherme broke his leg playing soccer.'

The Portuguese and Spanish verbs for expressing "liking" are similar in form (gostar and gustar respectively) but different in their arrangement of arguments. Arguments in linguistics are expressions that enable a verb to complete its meaning. Expressions of liking typically require two arguments: (1) a person who likes something (sometimes called the "experiencer"), and (2) something that the person likes (sometimes called the "theme"). Portuguese and Spanish (as well as English) assign different grammatical cases to these arguments, as shown in the following table:

The Portuguese sentence can be translated literally as "[I] [take satisfaction] [from] [the music]", while the Spanish corresponds to "[To me] [(it) is pleasing] [the music]."

It is also possible in Spanish to express it as: "(Yo) gusto de la música", although this use has become antiquated.

In Spanish, the compound perfect is constructed with the auxiliary verb haber (< Latin habēre). Although Portuguese used to use its cognate verb (haver) in this way, now it is more common to form these tenses with ter ('to have') (< Latin tenēre). While ter is occasionally used as an auxiliary by other Iberian languages, it is much more pervasive in Portuguese - to the extent that most Portuguese verb tables only list ter with regard to the perfect.

Yo ya hube comido cuando mi madre volvió. (Spanish) [perfect form of haber]

Yo ya había comido cuando mi madre volvió. (Spanish) [imperfect form of haber]

Eu já comera quando a minha mãe voltou. (Portuguese) [pluperfect inherited from Latin]

Eu já tinha comido quando a minha mãe voltou. (Portuguese) [imperfect form of ter]

Eu já havia comido quando a minha mãe voltou. (Portuguese) [imperfect form of haver]

'I had already eaten when my mother returned.'

A class of false friends between the two languages is composed of the verb forms with endings containing -ra-, such as cantara, cantaras, cantáramos, and so on. Spanish has two forms for the imperfect subjunctive, one with endings in -se- and another with endings in -ra- (e.g., cantase/cantara 'were I to sing'), which are usually interchangeable. In Portuguese, only cantasse has this value; cantara is employed as a pluperfect indicative, i.e., the equivalent to Spanish había cantado ('I had sung'). Although there is a strong tendency to use a verb phrase instead in the spoken language, like in Spanish and English (havia cantado), the simple tense is still frequent in literature.

In European Spanish, as well as some Andean dialects, as in English, the present perfect is normally used to talk about an action initiated and completed in the past, which is still considered relevant or influential in the present moment. In Portuguese and Latin American Spanish, the same meaning is conveyed by the simple preterite, as in the examples below:

No, gracias. Ya he cenado. (Spanish, Spain) [present perfect]

No, gracias. Ya cené. (Spanish, Latin America) [preterite]

Não, obrigado. Já jantei. (Portuguese) [preterite]

'No, thank you. I have already dined.' [present perfect]

He ido a España dos veces. (Spanish, Spain) [present perfect]

Fui a España dos veces. (Spanish, Latin America) [preterite]

Fui à Espanha duas vezes. (Portuguese) [preterite]

'I have been to Spain twice.' [present perfect]

¿Ha oído usted las últimas noticias, señor? (Spanish, Spain) [present perfect]

¿Oyó usted las últimas noticias, señor? (Spanish, Latin America) [preterite]

O senhor ouviu as últimas notícias? (Portuguese) [preterite]

'Have you heard the latest news, sir?' [present perfect]

Portuguese normally uses the present perfect (pretérito perfeito composto) for speaking of an event that began in the past, was repeated regularly up to the present, and could keep happening in the future. See the contrast with Spanish in the following example:

He pensado en pedirle matrimonio. (Spanish) [present perfect]

'I have thought of asking her/him [indirect object] to marry me [the thought has occurred to me at least once].' [present perfect]

Tenho pensado em pedi-la em casamento. (Portuguese) [present perfect]

'I have been thinking of asking her [direct object] to marry me.' [present perfect continuous]

As this example suggests, the Portuguese present perfect is often closer in meaning to the English present perfect continuous. See also Spanish verbs: Contrasting the preterite and the perfect.

Portuguese, uniquely among the major Romance languages, has acquired a "personal infinitive", which can be used as an alternative to a subordinate clause with a finite verb in the subjunctive.

A recepcionista pediu para esperarmos. (Portuguese) [personal infinitive]

A recepcionista pediu que esperássemos. (Portuguese) [imperfect subjunctive]

La recepcionista nos pidió que esperáramos/esperásemos. (Spanish) [imperfect subjunctive]

'The receptionist asked for us to wait.' (literal personal infinitive translation)

'The receptionist asked that we wait.' (literal Portuguese imperfect subjunctive translation)

The Portuguese perfect form of the personal infinitive corresponds to one of several possible Spanish finite verbs.

Alguém nos acusou de termos roubado uma caneta. (Portuguese)

Alguien nos acusó de haber robado un bolígrafo. (Spanish)

'Somebody accused us of having stolen a pen.'

On some occasions, the personal infinitive can hardly be replaced by a finite clause and corresponds to a different structure in Spanish (and English):

O hábito de fumares à janela é desagradável. (Portuguese, using personal infinitive. Literally, 'The habit of [you] smoking at the window is unpleasant.')

(O) teu hábito de fumar à janela é desagradável. (Portuguese, using impersonal infinitive. Literally, '(The) Your habit of smoking at the window is unpleasant.')

Tu hábito de fumar en la ventana es desagradable. (Spanish: 'Your habit of smoking at the window is unpleasant.')

The personal infinitive is not used in counterfactual situations, as these require either the future subjunctive or the imperfect subjunctive. 'If we were/had been rich...' is Se fôssemos ricos..., not *Se sermos ricos... Also, it is conjugated the same as the future subjunctive (see next section), provided the latter is not irregular (ser, estar, ter, etc.) The personal infinitive is never irregular, though the circumflex accent may be dropped in writing on expanded forms (such as pôr).^[134]

In the first and third person singular, the personal infinitive appears no different from the unconjugated infinitive.

É bom eu/ele esperar um bocadinho. (Portuguese)

'It is good that I/he wait(s) a bit.'

The above rules also apply whenever the subjects of the two clauses are the same, but independent of each other.

Para chegarmos cedo, temos/teremos que nos apressar. (Portuguese) [personal infinitive]

Para que lleguemos temprano, necesitamos apresurarnos. (Spanish) [present subjunctive]

'For us to arrive early, we will need to hurry.'

Para chegarmos cedo, tínhamos/teríamos que nos apressar. (Portuguese) [personal infinitive]

Para que llegáramos/llegásemos temprano, necesitaríamos apresurarnos. (Spanish) [imperfect subjunctive]

'For us to arrive early, we would need to hurry.'

As shown, the personal infinitive can be used at times to replace both the impersonal infinitive and the subjunctive. Spanish has no such alternative.

The future subjunctive, now virtually obsolete in Spanish,^[135] or circumscribed to legal documents, continues in use in both written and spoken Portuguese. It is used in subordinate clauses referring to a hypothetical future event or state – either adverbial clauses (usually introduced by se 'if ' or quando 'when') or adjective clauses that modify nouns referring to a hypothetical future entity. Spanish, in the analogous if-clauses, uses the present indicative^{[citation needed]}, and in the cuando- and adjective clauses uses the present subjunctive.

Se eu for eleito presidente, mudarei a lei. (Portuguese)

Si yo soy (also fuere) elegido presidente, cambiaré la ley. (Spanish)

'If I am elected president, I will change the law.'

Quando fores mais velho, compreenderás. (Portuguese)

Cuando seas (also fueres) mayor, comprenderás. (Spanish)

'When you are older, you'll understand.'

Dar-se-á/Se dará o prêmio à primeira pessoa que disser a resposta correcta. (Portuguese)

Se dará el premio a la primera persona que diga (also dijere) la respuesta correcta. (Spanish)

'The prize will be given to the first person who says the right answer.'

In the preterite tense, a number of irregular verbs in Portuguese change the stem vowel to indicate differences between first and third person singular: fiz 'I did' vs. fez 'he did', pude 'I could' vs. pôde 'he could', fui 'I was' vs. foi 'he was', tive 'I had' vs. teve 'he had', etc. Historically, these vowel differences are due to vowel raising (metaphony) triggered by the final -ī of the first-person singular in Latin. Spanish maintains such a difference only in fui 'I was' vs. fue 'he was'. In all other cases in Spanish, the stem vowel has been regularized throughout the conjugation and a new third-person ending -o adopted: hice 'I did' vs. hizo 'he did', pude 'I could' vs. pudo 'he could', etc. Portuguese verbs ending in -duzir are regular in the preterite, while their Spanish counterparts in -ducir undergo a consonant change and are stressed on the stem; thus Portuguese reduzi vs. Spanish reduje ('I reduced'). Similarly, the preterite of andar is regular in Portuguese (andaste), but irregular in Spanish (anduviste, 'you went').

Meanwhile, Spanish maintains many more irregular forms in the future and conditional: saldré 'I will leave', pondré 'I will put', vendré 'I will come', diré 'I will say', etc. Portuguese has only three: farei 'I will do', direi 'I will say', trarei 'I will carry'.

In the imperfect tense, Spanish has three irregular verbs while Portuguese has four; ser (to be) is the only such verb that is irregular in the imperfect across both languages. While the counterparts of the Spanish verbs tener (to have), poner (to put), and venir (to come) are irregular in Portuguese, the counterparts of the Portuguese verbs ir (to go) and ver (to see) are irregular in Spanish.

Portuguese drops -e in "irregular" third-person singular present indicative forms after ⟨z⟩ and ⟨r⟩, according to phonological rules: faz 'he does', diz 'he says', quer 'he wants', etc. Spanish has restored -e by analogy with other verbs: hace 'he does', dice 'he says', quiere 'he wants', etc. (The same type of analogy accounts for fiz vs hice 'I did' in the past tense. In nouns such as paz 'peace', luz 'light', amor 'love', etc. -e was dropped in both languages and never restored).

In Spanish the prepositions a ('to') and de ('of, from') form contractions with a following masculine singular definite article (el 'the'): a + el > al, and de + el > del. This kind of contraction is much more extensive in Portuguese, involving the prepositions a ('to'), de ('of, from'), em ('in'), and por ('for') with articles and demonstratives regardless of number or gender.^[136] All four of these prepositions join with the definite article, as shown in the following table:

¹These Portuguese contractions include some potential "false friends" for the reader of Spanish, such as no (Port. 'in the', Sp. 'no, not') and dos (Port. 'of the', Sp. 'two').
²These Portuguese contractions have different meanings in Spanish, but their Portuguese cognates are spelled with diacritics; pelo (Port. 'for the', Sp. 'hair' (equivalent to Port. pêlo)) and nos (Port. 'in the', Sp. 'ourselves' (equivalent to Port. nós)).
³In European Portuguese, a is pronounced [ɐ], while à is pronounced [a]. Both are generally [a] in most of Brazil, although in some accents such as carioca and florianopolitano there may be distinction.

Additionally, the prepositions de and em combine with the demonstrative adjectives and pronouns as shown below:

The neuter demonstrative pronouns (isto 'this' isso, aquilo 'that') likewise combine with de and em – thus, disto, nisto, etc. And the preposition a combines with the "distal" demonstratives (those that begin with a-) to form àquele, àquilo, etc.

The Portuguese contractions mentioned thus far are obligatory. Contractions can also be optionally formed from em and de with the indefinite article (um, uma, uns, umas), resulting in num, numa, dum, duma, etc. and from the third person pronouns (ele, ela, eles, elas), resulting in nele, nela, dele, dela, etc. Other optional contractions include de with aqui > daqui ('from here').

The Spanish con ('with', com in Portuguese) combines with the prepositional pronouns mí, ti, and sí to form conmigo, contigo, consigo ('with me', 'with you', 'with him-/herself '). In Portuguese this process not only applies to the pronouns mim, ti, and si (giving comigo, contigo, and consigo), but also is extended to nós and, in those varieties which use it, vós, producing connosco (conosco in Brazilian Portuguese) and convosco.

Spanish employs a preposition, the so-called "personal a", before the direct object of a transitive verb (except tener) when it denotes a specific person(s), or domestic pet; thus Veo a Juan 'I see John'; Hemos invitado a los estudiantes 'We've invited the students.' In Portuguese, personal a is virtually non-existent, except before Deus 'God': louvar a Deus 'to praise God', amar a Deus 'to love God'.^[137]

Quite common in both languages are the prepositions a (which often translates as "to") and para (which often translates as "for"). However, European Portuguese and Spanish distinguish between going somewhere for a short while versus a longer stay, especially if it is an intended destination, in the latter case using para instead of a. While there is no specified duration of stay before a European Portuguese speaker must switch prepositions, a implies one will return sooner, rather than later, relative to the context. This distinction is not made in English and Brazilian Portuguese^{[citation needed]}. In Spanish the distinction is not made if the duration is given in the context (maybe implicitly), and in this case a is generally preferred.

Fui al mercado cerca de mi casa. (Spanish)

Fui ao mercado perto de/da minha casa./Fui para o mercado perto de/da minha casa. (European and Brazilian Portuguese)

'I went to the market near my house.' [temporary displacement]

El presidente anterior fue exiliado a Portugal. (Spanish)

O presidente anterior foi exilado para Portugal. (European and Brazilian Portuguese)

'The former president was exiled to Portugal.' [permanent, or more lasting displacement]

Note, though, in the first example, para could be used in Portuguese if in contrast to a very brief period of time.

Não fico muito tempo, só um minuto. Tenho que/de ir para o mercado. (Portuguese)

'I can't stay long, only a minute. I have to go to the market.' [pending task or appointment]

In informal, non-standard Brazilian Portuguese, em (in its original form or combined with a given article in a contraction, yielding no, na, numa, etc.), often replaces the preposition a from standard Portuguese.

Vou na padaria. (non-standard Brazilian Portuguese)

Vou à padaria. (standard Portuguese)

'I'm going to the bakery.'

Fui numa festa ontem. (non-standard Brazilian Portuguese)

Fui a uma festa ontem. (standard Portuguese)

'I went to a party yesterday.'

Such a construction is not used in Spanish or in European Portuguese.

In Portuguese the preposition até can also be used when the duration of the stay is expected to be short or when there is a specific reason for going somewhere. In Spanish hasta has the same meaning and function.

Vou até a praia.

Voy hasta la playa.

'I'm going to the beach.'

Spanish has two prepositions of direction: para ('for', including 'headed for [a destination]') and hacia ('toward [not necessarily implying arrival]'). Of them, only para exists in Portuguese, covering both meanings.

Este regalo es para ti. (Spanish)

Este presente é para ti. (Portuguese)

'This gift is for you.'

Aquel/Ese avión va hacia Brasilia. (Spanish)

Aquele avião voa para Brasília. (Portuguese)

'That airplane is flying toward Brasília.'

Colloquially, para is often reduced in both languages: to pa in Spanish,^[138] and to pra (sometimes written p'ra and this form may be used in literature) or pa (only in slang in Portugal and Rio de Janeiro, and not permitted in writing) in Portuguese. Portuguese pra, in turn, may join with the definite article: pra + o > pro (BP) or prò (EP), pra + a > pra (BP) or prà (EP), etc.^[139] In reference to the slang option pa, these become: pa + o > pò, pa + a > pà, etc.

Both languages have a construction similar to the English "going-to" future. Spanish includes the preposition a between the conjugated form of ir "to go" and the infinitive: Vamos a cantar "We're going to sing" or "Let's sing" (present tense of ir + a + infinitive). Usually, in Portuguese, there is no preposition between the helping verb and the main verb: Vamos cantar (present tense of ir + infinitive). This also applies when the verb is in other tenses:

Ayer yo iba a leer el libro, pero no tuve la oportunidad. (Spanish)

Ontem eu ia ler o livro, mas não tive a oportunidade. (Portuguese)

Yesterday I was going to read the book, but never had the chance.

While as a rule the same prepositions are used in the same contexts in both languages, there are many exceptions.

Nuestros gastos de energía. (Spanish)

(Os) nossos gastos com/de energia. (Portuguese)

Our energy expenses.

Voy a votar por/a Juan. (Spanish)

Vou votar em/no João. (Portuguese)

I'm going to vote for John.

The traditional Spanish alphabet had 28 letters, while the Portuguese had 23. Modern versions of recent years added k and w (found only in foreign words) to both languages. Portuguese also added y for loanwords.

With the reform in 1994 by the 10th congress of the Association of Spanish Language Academies, Spanish alphabetization now follows the same pattern as that of other major West European languages. Prior to this date, however, the digraphs ch and ll were independently alphabetized. For example, the following surnames would be put in this order: Cervantes, Contreras, Cruz, Chávez, Dávila. Many Spanish dictionaries and other reference material still exist using the pre-reform rule of alphabetization.

Current Spanish alphabet (Spanish alphabet reform of 1994)

a b c d e f g h i j k l m n ñ o p q r s t u v w x y z

Digraphs

ch ll rr gu qu

Current Portuguese alphabet (Portuguese Language Orthographic Agreement of 1990) introducing k, w and y

a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z

Digraphs

ch lh nh rr gu qu ss (sc sç xc xs)

⟨Sc⟩ in Latin American Spanish is not called a digraph, however it is a single sound as in Brazilian Portuguese. Also Spanish has taken ⟨sh⟩ /ʃ/ from English as a loan sound; e.g., sherpa, show, flash (however, the Royal Spanish Academy prescribes these words to be written in italics, as unadapted foreign words). Brazilian Portuguese uses the trigraph ⟨tch⟩ /tʃ/ for loanwords; e.g., tchau, 'ciao', tcheco 'Czech', República Tcheca 'Czech Republic', tchê 'che' (this latter is regional), etc. European Portuguese normally replace the trigraph ⟨tch⟩ with ⟨ch⟩ /ʃ/: chau, checo, República Checa, etc. (This is pronounced /tʃ/ in northern European Portuguese dialects.)

Both Spanish and Portuguese use ⟨zz⟩ /ts/ (never as /dz/ – this sequence appears only in loanwords from Japanese, e.g., adzuki) for some Italian loanwords, but in Portuguese may sometimes not be pronounced as affricate, but having an epenthetic /i/ or /ɨ/; e.g., Sp. and Port. pizza 'pizza', Sp. and Port. paparazzo 'paparazzo', etc. (however, the Royal Spanish Academy prescribes these words to be written in italics). Spanish also utilizes ⟨tz⟩ /ts/ for Basque, Catalan and Nahuatl loanwords, and ⟨tl⟩ /tɬ/ (or /tl/) for Nahuatl loanwords; e.g., Ertzaintza, quetzal, xoloitzcuintle, Tlaxcala, etc. Portuguese utilizes ⟨ts⟩ for German, originarily ⟨z⟩, and Japanese loanwords.

Although the letters k, w, and y are now included in the Portuguese alphabet, according to the current orthographic rules they should only be used in proper names (foreign or invented) and their derivatives with suffixes (kantiano, darwinismo, byroniano, etc.), and also in international symbols. Derivatives without suffixes are generally adapted to the Portuguese spelling (Karakul but caracul, Zika but zica), except measurement units (watt, henry; note also kwanza, the monetary unit of Angola). On the other hand, the current Spanish orthography allows k and w to be used in any kind of loanwords, although in some cases alternative spellings are allowed (kimono or quimono). This leads to differences in Spanish and Portuguese spellings of loanwords:

Spanish: búnker, chikunguña, karaoke, kárate/karate, karma, kilogramo, kilómetro, kiwi, koala, sándwich, wiski/güisqui, zika. Portuguese: búnquer, chicungunha, caraoquê, caraté/caratê, carma, quilograma, quilómetro/quilômetro, quivi/quiuí, coala, sanduíche, uísque, zica.

In practice, foreign words are often left unchanged in both languages, e. g. whisky, chikungunya. The Royal Spanish Academy accepts such spellings, but only with typographical emphasis: italics in printed text, quotation marks in manuscript or when italics are not available.

On the other hand, names of measurement units named after people are written unchanged in Portuguese, but Spanish often uses adapted spellings ending in -io:

Portuguese: watt, henry, hertz. Spanish: vatio, henrio, hercio.

The silent letter h is used in Spanish word-initially and word-medially (hombre, prohibir), but in Portuguese it is used only word-initially (homem but proibir). Word-final h is used in both languages in interjections (ah, oh); in Spanish it is used also in the loanword sah (which corresponds to Portuguese xá).

Only in Spanish do interrogatives and exclamations use the question mark or exclamation point respectively at the beginning of a sentence. The same punctuation marks are used, but these are inverted. This prepares the reader in advance for either a question or exclamation type of sentence.

Interrogative: ¿Cuántos años tienes? (Spanish)

Exclamation: ¡Cuidado con el perro! (Spanish)

On the other hand, in Portuguese, a person reading aloud lengthy sentences from an unfamiliar text may have to scan ahead to check if what at first appears to be a statement, is actually a question. Otherwise, it would be too late to enable proper voice inflection. Neither language has the equivalent of the auxiliary verb to do, which is often used to begin a question in English. Both Spanish and English can place the verb before the subject noun to indicate a question, though this is uncommon in Portuguese, and almost unheard of in Brazil. In fact, most yes/no questions in Portuguese are written the same as a statement except for the final question mark.

Spanish: ¿Tiene usted una medida de cuál es su exposición a estos riesgos, y está usted confiado de que su organización está minimizando el impacto de los mismos sobre sus accionistas, equipo de trabajo y otros grupos interesados?

Portuguese: Você tem ideia de qual é a sua exposição a esses riscos, e tem confiança que a sua organização está minimizando os impactos resultantes, nos seus acionistas, funcionários e outros interessados?

English: 'Do you have a measure of what your exposure is to these risks, and are you confident that your organization is minimizing their impact on your shareholders, staff, and other interested parties?'

Aside from changes of punctuation in written language, in speech, converting any of the above examples from a question to a statement would involve changes of both intonation and syntax in English and Spanish, but intonation only in Portuguese.

The palatal consonants are spelled differently in the two languages.

The symbols ⟨ll⟩ and ⟨ñ⟩ are etymological in Spanish, as the sounds they represent are often derived from Latin ll and nn (for those positions, Portuguese has simple ⟨l⟩ and ⟨n⟩; cf. rodilla/rodela, peña/pena). The Portuguese digraphs ⟨lh⟩ and ⟨nh⟩ were adopted from Occitan, as poetry of the troubadours was the most important influence on Portuguese literature up until the 14th century. King Denis of Portugal, who established Portuguese instead of Latin as the official language, was an admirer of the poetry of the troubadours and a poet himself. Examples include names such as Port. Minho (Sp. Miño) and Magalhães (Sp. Magallanes).

The letter ⟨y⟩ was used in Portuguese from the 16th to the early 20th century in Greek loans, much as in English (e.g., Psychologia, modern Psicologia 'Psychology'). The orthographic reform in 1911 officially replaced it with ⟨i⟩. The corresponding sound can be regarded as an allophone of the vowel /i/ in both languages. Compare Sp. rey ('king'), mayor ('larger, greater, elder') with Port. rei ('king'), maior ('larger, greater').

The exact pronunciation of these three consonants varies somewhat with dialect. The table indicates only the most common sound values in each language. In most Spanish dialects, the consonants written ⟨ll⟩ and ⟨y⟩ have come to be pronounced the same way, a sound merger known as yeísmo. A similar phenomenon can be found in some dialects of Brazilian Portuguese (e.g., "muié" for mulher, 'woman'), but it is much less widespread than in Spanish.

The Portuguese letter ⟨ç⟩ (c-cedilha), based on a Visigothic form of the letter ⟨z⟩: "ꝣ". In Portuguese it is used before ⟨a⟩, ⟨o⟩, and ⟨u⟩ (including nasals), and never at the beginning or end of any word. It always represents the "soft c" sound, namely [s]. In modern Spanish, it has been replaced by ⟨z⟩. Example: calzado (Sp.), calçado (Port.) 'footwear'.

Various word endings are consistently different in the two languages.

• Spanish -n corresponds to Portuguese -m when in word-final position (e.g., Spanish: jardín, algún; Portuguese: jardim, algum). In Portuguese, word- or syllable-final ⟨m⟩ and ⟨n⟩ indicate nasalization of the previous vowel; e.g., som /ˈsõ/ 'sound' (see phonology below). In the plural, ⟨m⟩ is replaced with an ⟨n⟩ (Spanish: jardines, algunos; Portuguese: jardins, alguns), that is because in these cases the ⟨m⟩ is not in word-final position anymore. Notice, some rare learned words in Portuguese and Spanish may also have a word final -n (e.g., Portuguese abdómen/abdômen 'abdomen'), and -m (e.g., Spanish tándem 'tandem'), respectively. (Word-final -n in Portuguese is pronounced [n], while word-final -m in Spanish is also pronounced [n] because there is no word-final [m] sound originally in Spanish.)
• Common exceptions to the above rule concern the Spanish noun endings:
  • -án and -ano, which normally correspond to -ão or -ã in Portuguese (Irán vs Irão (EP)/Irã (BP) 'Iran', hermano vs irmão 'brother', and huérfano vs órfão, 'orphan m.');
  • -ana, which corresponds to -ã (hermana vs irmã 'sister', mañana vs manhã 'morning', huérfana vs órfã 'orphan f.');
  • -ón / -ción or -cción / -sión, which usually correspond to -ão / -ção or -(c)ção / -são or -ssão (melón vs melão 'melon', opción vs opção 'option', corrección vs corre(c)ção 'correction', pensión vs pensão 'pension', or admisión vs admissão 'admission');
  • -on or -an, which corresponds to -ão in most monosyllables (son vs são 'they are', tan vs tão 'as, so');
• The singular noun or adjective endings -án and -ón in Spanish both usually correspond to Portuguese -ão, and likewise the Spanish ending -ano often corresponds to Portuguese -ão (although there are also many Portuguese words ending in -ano, including gentilics such as cubano, boliviano, etc.). The plurals of the Portuguese words in -ão, however, generally preserve the historical distinctions: Portuguese -ãos, -ães, and -ões generally correspond to Spanish -anos, -anes, and -ones, respectively:
  • -ãos, as in mão/mãos (Spanish mano/manos, English 'hand(s)');
  • -ães, as in capitão/capitães (Spanish capitán/capitanes, English 'captain(s)');
  • -ões, as in melão/melões (Spanish melón/melones, English 'melon(s)').
• Notable exceptions to the above rule:
  • verão/verões (Spanish verano(s), English 'summer(s)');
  • vulcão/vulcões (Spanish volcán/volcanes, English 'volcano');
  • ancião, which allows the three plural forms: anciãos, anciães and anciões (Spanish anciano(s), English 'elder(s)').
  • guardião, which allows the three plural forms: guardiãos, guardiães and guardiões (Spanish guardián/guardianes, English 'guardian');
  • vilão, which allows the three plural forms: vilãos, vilães and vilões (Spanish villano/villanos, English 'villain');
  • João/Joões (Spanish Juan/Juanes, English 'John'). This plural can be seen in words such as joão-de-barro/joões-de-barro (Red Ovenbird).
• The 3rd person plural endings of the preterite indicative tense are spelled with -on in Spanish (pensaron, vivieron 'they thought, they lived'), but with -am in Portuguese (pensaram, viveram).
• In Portuguese words ending in -l form their plurals by dropping ⟨l⟩ and adding -is (-eis when final unstressed -il): caracol/caracóis (Spanish caracol(es), English 'snail(s)'), fácil/fáceis (Spanish fácil(es), English 'easy').
• In Spanish, adjectives and nouns ending in -z form their plurals by replacing ⟨z⟩ with ⟨c⟩ (-ces); e.g., feroz/feroces (Portuguese feroz(es), English 'ferocious'), vez/veces (Portuguese vez(es) English 'time(s)').
• Another conspicuous difference is the use of -z in Spanish versus -s in Portuguese at the end of unstressed syllables, especially when the consonant is the last letter in a word. A few examples:

Álvarez, Fernández, Suárez, izquierda, mezquino, lápiz (Spanish)

Álvares, Fernandes, Soares, esquerda, mesquinho, lápis (Portuguese)

• Other correspondences between word endings are:
  • -dad(es) or -tad(es) (Spanish) and -dade(s) (Portuguese), as in bondad(es) vs bondade(s) 'goodness(es)' and libertad(es) vs liberdade(s) 'liberty/ies'. The word ending -zade(s) is also found in Portuguese, e.g., amizade(s) (Spanish amistad(es), English 'friendship(s)');
  • -ud(es) (Spanish) and -ude(s) (Portuguese), as in virtud(es) vs virtude(s) 'virtue';
  • -ble(s) (Spanish) and -vel/eis (Portuguese), as in amable(s) vs amável/amáveis 'amiable';
  • -je(s) (Spanish) and -gem/ns (Portuguese), as in lenguaje(s) vs linguagem/linguagens 'language(s)';
  • -aso (Spanish) and -asso (Portuguese), as in escaso vs escasso 'scarce';
  • -eso (Spanish) and -esso (Portuguese), as in espeso vs espesso 'thick';
  • -esa (Spanish) and -essa or -esa (Portuguese), as in condesa vs condessa 'countess' and inglesa vs inglesa 'Englishwoman';
  • -eza (Spanish) and -iça or -eza (Portuguese), as in pereza vs preguiça 'laziness' and naturaleza vs natureza 'nature';
  • -ez (Spanish) and -ice and -ez (Portuguese), as in idiotez vs idiotice 'idiocy' (there are unpredictable exceptions in Portuguese, e.g., estupidez 'stupidity') and timidez vs timidez 'shyness';
  • -izar (Spanish) and -izar or -isar (Portuguese), as in realizar vs realizar 'to realize/realise' and analizar vs analisar 'to analyze/analyse' (notice there are also some Spanish verbs that in -isar; e.g., avisar 'warn', pesquisar 'research', etc.) Brazilian Portuguese uses an alternative word ending in -issar in some exceptional cases; e.g., aterrissar, alunissar (European Portuguese aterrar, alunar; Spanish aterrizar, alunizar, English 'landing', 'moon landing');
  • -azar (Spanish) and -açar (Portuguese), amenazar vs ameaçar 'threaten';
  • -anza (Spanish) and -ança (Portuguese), esperanza vs esperança 'hope';
  • -encia (Spanish) and -ença or -ência (Portuguese), as in diferencia vs diferença 'difference' and ocurrencia vs ocorrência 'occurrence' (in Spanish there are few exceptional words ending in -enza; e.g., vergüenza 'shame');
  • -icia (Spanish) and -iça or -ícia (Portuguese), as in justicia vs justiça 'justice' and malicia vs malícia 'malice';
  • -izo (Spanish) and -iço (Portuguese), as in movedizo vs movediço 'moveable';
  • -miento or -mento (Spanish) and -mento (Portuguese), as in sentimiento vs sentimento 'feeling, sentiment' and reglamento vs regulamento 'rules, regulations';
  • -ísimo (Spanish) and -íssimo (Portuguese), as in fidelísimo vs fidelíssimo or even fidelissíssimo 'most loyal'.

Both languages use diacritics to mark the stressed syllable of a word whenever it is not otherwise predictable from spelling. Since Spanish does not differentiate between mid-open and mid-close vowels and nasal vowels, it uses only one accent, the acute. Portuguese usually uses the acute accent ( ´ ), but also uses the circumflex accent ( ˆ ) on the mid-close vowels ⟨ê⟩ and ⟨ô⟩ and the stressed (always nasal in Brasil) ⟨â⟩.

Although the Spanish ⟨y⟩ can be either a consonant or a vowel, as a vowel it never takes an accent. At the end of a word, the Portuguese diphthong -ai is the equivalent of the Spanish -ay, however, -ai can have an accent on the ⟨í⟩ to break the diphthong into two separate vowels, e.g., açaí (three syllables). Without the accent, as in Spanish, the last syllable would be a diphthong: Paraguai (Portuguese) and Paraguay (Spanish) 'Paraguay'.

Portuguese nasal vowels occur before ⟨n⟩ and ⟨m⟩ (see phonology below) without an accent mark, as these consonants are not fully pronounced in such cases. The tilde (~), is only used on nasal diphthongs such as ⟨ão⟩ [ɐ̃w̃] and ⟨õe⟩ [õj̃], plus the final ⟨ã⟩ [ɐ̃], which replaces the -am ending, as the latter is reserved for verbs, e.g., amanhã [amɐˈɲɐ̃] 'tomorrow'.

• Initial and middle: vowel + ⟨n⟩ + consonant (except ⟨h⟩, ⟨p⟩ or ⟨b⟩): antecedente, geringonça, mundo, ênfase  
• Initial and middle: vowel + ⟨m⟩ + bilabial consonant (⟨p⟩ or ⟨b⟩): caçamba, emprego, supimpa, pomba, penumbra  
• Final: vowel + ⟨m⟩: fizeram, em, ruim, bom, algum (except for learned words, e.g., abdómen/abdômen, hífen, etc.)

These do not alter the rules for stress, though note endings -im, -ins and -um, -uns are stressed, as are their non-nasal counterparts (see below). A couple of two-letter words consist of only the nasal vowel: em and um.

Phonetic vowel nasalization occurs in Spanish—vowels may get slightly nasalized in contact with nasal consonants—but it is not phonemically distinctive. In Portuguese, on the other hand, vowel nasalization is distinctive, and therefore phonemic: pois /ˈpojs/ or /ˈpojʃ/ 'because' vs pões /ˈpõj̃s/ or /ˈpõj̃ʃ/ '(you) put'.

Portuguese changes vowel sounds with (and without) accents marks. Unaccented ⟨o⟩ (/u/, /o/, /ɔ/) and ⟨e⟩ (/i/, /ɨ/, /e/, /ɛ/, /ɐ/), acute accented ⟨ó⟩ (/ɔ/) and ⟨é⟩ (/ɛ/), or circumflex accented ⟨ô⟩ (/o/) and ⟨ê⟩ (/e/). Thus, nós [ˈnɔs] or [ˈnɔʃ] 'we' vs nos [nus] or [nuʃ] 'us', avô [aˈvo] 'grandfather' vs avó [aˈvɔ] 'grandmother', se [si] or [sɨ] 'itself, himself, herself' reflexive pronoun vs sé [ˈsɛ] 'seat, headquarters' vs sê [ˈse] 'to be' 2nd person imperative. Spanish pronunciation makes no such distinction.

The grave accent ( ` ) is also used in Portuguese to indicate the contraction of the preposition a (to) with a few words beginning with the vowel a, but not to indicate stress. In other cases, it is the combination of the preposition and the feminine definite article; in other words, the equivalent of a la ('to the') in Spanish. Às is used for the plural (a las in Spanish).

• a (prep.) + a(s) (def. article 'the') = à(s) ('to the').
• a (prep.) + aquele(s), aquela(s) (pron. 'that') = àquele(s), àquela(s)—underlined stressed syllable—('to that').
• a (prep.) + aquilo (pron. n. 'that') = àquilo ('to that').

The diaeresis or trema ( ¨ ) is used in Spanish to indicate ⟨u⟩ is pronounced in the sequence ⟨gu⟩; e.g., desagüe [deˈsaɣwe]. As the Portuguese grave accent, the trema does not indicate stress. In Brazilian Portuguese it was also used for the digraphs ⟨gu⟩ and ⟨qu⟩ for the same purpose as Spanish (e.g., former BP spelling *qüinqüênio [kwĩˈkwẽɲu], EP quinquénio [kwĩˈkwɛnju] 'five-year period'), however since the implementation of the Portuguese Language Orthographic Agreement in Brazil, the trema was abolished (current BP spelling quinquênio [kwĩˈkwẽɲu]), and its usage was restricted to some loanwords (e.g., mülleriano 'Müllerian').

The accentuation rules (including those of predictable stress) of Portuguese and Spanish are similar, but not identical. Discrepancies are especially pervasive in words that contain i or u in their last syllable. Note the Portuguese diphthongs ei and ou are the approximate Spanish equivalent of e and o respectively, but any word ending with these diphthongs is, by default, stressed on its final syllable.

Compare the following pairs of cognates, where the stress falls on the same syllable in both languages:

Semivowel–vowel sequences are treated differently in both languages when it comes to accentuation rules. A sequence of a semivowel adjacent to a vowel is by default assumed to be read as a diphthong (part of the same syllable) in Spanish, whereas it is by default assumed to be read as a hiatus (belonging to different syllables) in Portuguese. For both languages, accentuation rules consistently indicate something other than the default.

A consequence of this is that words that are pronounced alike in both languages are written according to different accentuation rules. Some examples:

• emergencia (Spanish), emergência (Portuguese) 'emergency'
• tolerancia (Spanish), tolerância (Portuguese) 'tolerance'
• audacia (Spanish), audácia (Portuguese) 'audace'
• ocio (Spanish), ócio (Portuguese) 'leisure'
• continuo (Spanish), contínuo (Portuguese) 'continuous'
• continúo (Spanish), continuo (Portuguese) 'I continue'

Another consequence (though less common) is that some words are written exactly (or almost exactly) the same in both languages, but the stress falls on different syllables:

• democracia (Spanish, rising diphthong at the end), democracia (Portuguese, the stress on -ci- breaks the diphthong) 'democracy'
• policía (Spanish, the stress on -cí- breaks the diphthong), polícia (Portuguese) 'police'

Although the vocabularies of Spanish and Portuguese are similar, the two languages differ phonologically from each other, very likely because of the stronger Celtic substratum^[141] in Portuguese. Phonetically Portuguese bears similarities to French and to Catalan while the phonetics of Spanish are more comparable to those of Sardinian and Sicilian. Portuguese has a significantly larger phonemic inventory than Spanish. This may partially explain why Portuguese is generally not very intelligible to Spanish speakers despite the lexical similarity between the two languages.

One of the main differences between the Spanish and Portuguese pronunciation are the vowel sounds. Standard Spanish has a basic vowel phonological system, with five phonemic vowels (/a/, /e̞/, /i/, /o̞/, /u/). Phonetic nasalization occurs in Spanish for vowels occurring between nasal consonants or when preceding a syllable-final nasal consonant (/n/ and /m/), but it is not distinctive as in Portuguese. Dialectally, there are Spanish dialects with a greater number of vowels, with some (as Murcian and Eastern Andalusian) reaching up to 8 to 10 vowel sounds. On the other hand, Portuguese has seven to nine oral vowels (/a/, /ɐ/*, /e/, /ɛ/, /ɨ/*, /i/, /o/, /ɔ/, /u/) (/ɐ/ is closer to [ə] in Portugal, while the near-close near-back unrounded vowel /ɨ/—also rendered as [ɯ̟] or [ʊ̜]—is only found in European Portuguese) plus five phonemic nasal vowels (/ɐ̃/, /ẽ/, /ĩ/, /õ/, /ũ/) when preceding an omitted syllable-final nasal (⟨n⟩ and ⟨m⟩) or when is marked with a tilde (~): ⟨ã⟩ and ⟨õ⟩. This appears to be, similarly to French, a Celtic^[142] phonological adaptation to Latin. Portuguese, as Catalan, uses vowel height, contrasting stressed and unstressed (reduced) vowels. Moreover, Spanish has two semivowels as allophones, [j, w]; while Portuguese has four, two oral [i̯ ~ ɪ̯], [u̯ ~ ʊ̯] and two nasalized glides [j̃ ~ ɪ̯̃], [w̃ ~ ʊ̯̃] (non-syllabic near-close vowels, as those of most English speech, are allophones of the glides in the Brazilian dialects where near-closeds are used).

The following considerations are based on a comparison of standard versions of Spanish and Portuguese. Apparent divergence of the information below from anyone's personal pronunciation may indicate one's idiolect (or dialect) diverges from the mentioned standards. Information on Portuguese phonology is adapted from Celso Pedro Luft (Novo Manual de Português, 1971), and information on Spanish phonology adapted from Manuel Seco (Gramática Esencial del Español, 1994).

Comparing the phonemic inventory of the two languages, a noticeable divergence stands out. First, standard Portuguese has more phonemes than Spanish. Also, each language has phonemes that are not shared by the other.

Spanish and Portuguese have been diverging for over a thousand years. One of the most noticeable early differences between them concerned the result of the stressed vowels of Latin:

¹The vowels /a/ and /ɐ/ occur largely in complementary distribution.
²This diphthong has been reduced to the monophthong /o/ in many dialects of modern Portuguese.

As vowel length ceased to be distinctive in the transition from Latin to Romance, the stressed vowels e and o became ie and ue in Spanish whenever they were short (Latin petra → Spanish piedra 'stone'; Latin moritvr → Spanish muere "he dies"). Similar diphthongizations can be found in other Romance languages (French pierre, Italian pietra, Romanian piatră; French meurt, Italian muore, Romanian moare), but in Galician-Portuguese these vowels underwent a qualitative change instead (Portuguese/Galician pedra, morre), becoming lower, as also happened with short i and short u in stressed syllables. The Classical Latin vowels /e/-/eː/ and /o/-/oː/ were correspondingly lowered in Spanish and turned into diphthongs /je̞/ and /we̞/. In Spanish, short e and o and long ē and ō merged into mid vowels, /e̞/ and /o̞/, while in Portuguese these vowels stayed as close-mid, /e/ and /o/ and open-mid, /ɛ/ and /ɔ/, as in Vulgar Latin.

Portuguese has five phonemic nasal vowels (/ɐ̃/, /ẽ/, /ĩ/, /õ/, /ũ/), which, according to historical linguistics, arose from the assimilation of the nasal consonants /m/ and /n/, often at the end of syllables. Syllable-final m and n are still written down to indicate nasalization, even though they are no longer fully pronounced, that is, either [ⁿ] (before obstruents) or elided completely. In other cases, nasal vowels are marked with a tilde (ã, õ). Not all words containing vowel + n have the nasal sound, as the subsequent letter must be a consonant for this to occur: e.g., anel /ɐˈnɛw/ ('ring') –oral/non-nasal– vs anca /ˈɐ̃kɐ/ ('hip') –nasal–.

However, in some Brazilian dialects, most vowels (including the allophones present only in unstressed environment) have nasal allophones before one of the nasal consonants /m/, /n/, /ɲ/, followed by another vowel. In other Brazilian dialects, only stressed vowels can be nasalized this way. In European Portuguese, nasalization is absent in this environment.

The Portuguese digraph ou (pronounced usually as the diphthong [ow], but sometimes as a monophthong [o]) corresponds to the final -ó of Spanish -ar verbs in the preterite tense; e.g., Spanish descansó and Portuguese descansou ("he/she rested"). The Spanish irregular verb forms in -oy (e.g., doy "I give", estoy "I am", soy "I am", voy "I go") correspond to Portuguese forms in -ou (e.g., dou, estou, sou, vou). But in some other words, conversely, Spanish o corresponds to Portuguese oi, e.g., Spanish cosa, Portuguese coisa "thing"; Spanish oro "gold", Portuguese usually ouro, but sometimes oiro.

Stressed vowel alternations may occur in Portuguese, but not in Spanish:

The history of the unstressed vowels in Spanish and Portuguese is not as well known as that of the stressed vowels, but some points are generally agreed upon. Spanish has the five short vowels of classical Latin, /a/, /e̞/, /i/, /o̞/, /u/. It has also two semivowels, [j] and [w], that appear in diphthongs, but these can be considered allophones of /i/ and /u/, respectively. The pronunciation of the unstressed vowels does not differ much from that of stressed vowels. Unstressed, non-syllabic /e̞/ /o̞/, and /a/ can be reduced to [ʝ], [w̝] and complete elision in some dialects; e.g., poetisa [pw̝e̞ˈtisa] ('poet' f.), línea [ˈlinʝa] ('line'), ahorita [o̞ˈɾita] ('now').

The system of seven oral vowels of Vulgar Latin has been fairly well preserved in Portuguese, as in the closely related Galician language. In Portuguese, unstressed vowels have been more unstable, both diachronically (across time) and synchronically (between dialects), producing new vowel sounds. The vowels written ⟨a⟩, ⟨e⟩ and ⟨o⟩ are pronounced in different ways according to several factors, most notably whether they are stressed, and whether they occur in the last syllable of a word. The basic paradigm is shown in the following table (it has some exceptions).

¹ Always nasalized in this environment in most dialects, that is, [ɐ̃ ~ ə̃]

² Mostly in Northeastern Brazil. In some other dialects (including those of northern Brazil, Rio de Janeiro, Espírito Santo, Minas Gerais and the Brazilian Federal District), this also occurs if the stressed vowel is open rather than closed (/ɛ/ or /ɔ/, rather than /e/ or /o/) due to vowel harmony.

³ Only in some dialects, the first mainly in the area including and surrounding Lisbon (not present in much of northern and insular Portugal, as in Brazil), and the latter mainly in some hinterland northern Portuguese accents (not present in southern and insular Portugal, as in Brazil)

Brazilian unstressed vowel allophones vary according to the geographical region of the country. Near-close [ʊ], [ɪ] and unstressed close-mid [e], [o] are found in southern and western accents, where postvocalic /r/ has a "soft" allophone (a flap, a coronal approximant, or a rhotic vowel), and postvocalic sibilants (written ⟨s⟩, ⟨x⟩, and ⟨z⟩) in native words are always alveolar [s, z]. Meanwhile, these close allophones do not occur in the northern and eastern accents, where postvocalic /r/ has a "hard" allophone (velar, uvular, or glottal) and postvocalic sibilants may be, consistently or not, post-alveolar [ʃ, ʒ, ɕ, ʑ]. In the accents where postvocalic sibilants are always post-alveolar, such as those of Florianópolis and Rio de Janeiro, or in the accents influenced by them, any unstressed /a ~ ɐ/, [e̞ ~ ɛ] and [o̞ ~ ɔ] may be raised (like in Portugal), to [ɐ], [i] and [u], respectively. While this is true of all colloquial BP, it is especially characteristic of the latter dialects). This increased vowel reduction is also present in accents of the Brazilian Northeast, particularly from Alagoas to Piauí.

Similar alternation patterns to these exist in other Romance languages such as Catalan and Occitan. Although it is mostly an allophonic variation, some dialects have developed minimal pairs that distinguish the stressed variants from the unstressed ones. The vowel /ɨ/ is often elided in connected speech (it is not present in Brazilian Portuguese).

Some Brazilian dialects diphthongize stressed vowels to [ai̯], [ɛi̯], [ei̯], etc. (except /i/), before a sibilant at the end of a syllable (written ⟨s⟩, ⟨x⟩, ⟨z⟩, or rarely, ⟨sh⟩). For instance, Jesus [ʒe̞ˈzui̯s] 'Jesus', faz [ˈfai̯s] 'he does', dez [ˈdɛi̯s] 'ten'. This has led to the use of meia (meaning meia dúzia, 'half a dozen') for seis [sei̯s] 'six' when making enumerations, to avoid any confusion with três [tɾei̯s] 'three' on the telephone. In Lisbon and surrounding areas, stressed /e/ is pronounced [ɐ] or [ɐj] when it comes before an alveolo-palatal /ʎ/, /ɲ/, [ɕ], [ʑ] or palato-alveolar /ʃ/, /ʒ/ consonants followed by another vowel.

The orthography of Portuguese, which is partly etymological and analogical, does not indicate these sound changes. This makes the written language look deceptively similar to Spanish. For example, although breve ('brief') is spelled the same in both languages, it is pronounced [ˈbɾe̞βe̞] in Spanish, but [ˈbɾɛvi ~ ˈbɾɛv(ɨ)] in Portuguese. In Brazilian Portuguese, in the vast majority of cases, the only difference between final -e and -i is the stress, as both are pronounced as /i/. The former is unstressed, and the latter is stressed without any diacritical mark. In European Portuguese, final -e is not pronounced or is pronounced as [ɨ], unlike i, which is consistently [i].

Some of the most characteristic sound changes undergone by the consonants from Latin to Spanish and Portuguese are shown in the table below.

*reconstructed

Peculiar to early Spanish (as in the Gascon dialect of Occitan, possibly due to a Basque substratum) was the loss of Latin initial f- whenever it was followed by a vowel that did not diphthongize. Thus, Spanish hijo and hablar correspond to Portuguese filho and falar (from Latin fīlium and fābulāre, 'son' and 'to speak' respectively). Nevertheless, in a few cases Spanish has retained the Latin f-, so that Portuguese fogo corresponds to Spanish fuego (from Latin focum 'fire'); while in other cases the Latin word has yielded two different terms in Spanish, one beginning with f- and the other with h-, with slightly different nuances or altogether different meanings: Latin fastidium > Spanish hastío - fastidio, Portuguese fastio 'boredom'; Latin fibra > Spanish fibra 'fiber' - hebra 'thread', Portuguese fibra (both meanings); Latin fascis > Spanish haz 'beam' - fajo 'bundle', Portuguese feixe (both meanings).

Another typical difference concerned the result of Latin -l- and -n- in intervocalic position:

• When single, they were retained in Spanish but elided in Portuguese. Often, the loss of the consonant was followed by the merger of the two surrounding vowels (as in the examples in the table above), or by the insertion of an epenthetic vowel between them (Latin harēnam → Spanish arena, Portuguese arẽa, today areia 'sand').
• When double, they developed into the Spanish palatals ⟨ll⟩ /ʎ/ (merged with /ʝ/ in most contemporary Spanish dialects) and ⟨ñ⟩ /ɲ/. Indeed, the Spanish letter ⟨ñ⟩ was originally a shorthand for nn. In Portuguese, -ll- and -nn- just became single, ⟨l⟩ /l/ and ⟨n⟩ /n/, respectively.
• When followed by the semivowel i, l coalesced with it into a ⟨j⟩ /x/ in Spanish. In Portuguese, l and n followed by semivowel i were palatalized into ⟨lh⟩ /ʎ/ and ⟨nh⟩ /ɲ/, respectively.

Other consonant clusters of Latin also took markedly different routes in the two languages in their archaic period:

Learned words such as pleno, ocular, no(c)turno, tremular, and so on, were not included in the examples above, since they were adapted directly from Classical Latin in later times.

The tables above represent only general trends with many exceptions, due to:

1. Other phonological processes at work in old Spanish and old Portuguese, which interfered with these.
2. Later regularization by analogy with related words.
3. Later borrowing of learned words directly from Latin, especially since the Renaissance, which did not respect the original sound laws.
4. Mutual borrowing, from Spanish to Portuguese or vice versa.

Portuguese has tended to eliminate hiatuses that were preserved in Spanish, merging similar consecutive vowels into one (often after the above-mentioned loss of intervocalic -l- and -n-). This results in many Portuguese words being one syllable shorter than their Spanish cognates:

creído, leer, mala, manzana, mañana, poner, reír, venir (Spanish)

crido, ler, má, maçã, manhã, pôr, rir, vir (Portuguese)

In other cases, Portuguese reduces consecutive vowels to a diphthong, again resulting in one syllable fewer:

a-te-o, eu-ro-pe-o, pa-lo, ve-lo (Spanish)

a-teu, eu-ro-peu, pau, véu (Portuguese)

There are nevertheless a few words where the opposite happened, such as Spanish comprender versus Portuguese compreender, from Latin comprehendere.

Since the late Middle Ages, both languages have gone through sound shifts and mergers that set them further apart.

The most marked phonetic divergence between Spanish and Portuguese in their modern period concerned the evolution of the sibilants. In the Middle Ages, both had a rich system of seven sibilants – paired according to affrication and voicing: /s/, /ts/, /z/, /dz/, /ʃ/, /tʃ/, and /dʒ/ (the latter probably in free variation with /ʒ/, as still happens today in Ladino) – and spelled virtually the same in Spanish and Portuguese.

¹Before vowels; in the coda position, there are dialectal variations within each language, not discussed here.
²Modern Portuguese has for the most part kept the medieval spelling.

After the Renaissance, the two languages reduced their inventory of sibilants, but in different ways:

• Devoicing in Spanish: the voiced sibilants written ⟨-s-⟩, ⟨z⟩ and ⟨j/g⟩ became voiceless, merging with ⟨s-/-ss-⟩, ⟨c/ç⟩ and ⟨x⟩, respectively. In many modern Spanish dialects, ⟨c/z⟩ (/θ/) is also indistinguishable from ⟨s⟩ (/s/) (see seseo). Later, the palato-alveolar fricative ⟨x⟩ /ʃ/ changed into the velar fricative /x/, while ⟨ch⟩ stayed unchanged (/tʃ/). Spanish spelling has been updated according to these sound changes.
• Deaffrication in Portuguese: the affricates written ⟨c/ç⟩, ⟨z⟩ and ⟨ch⟩ became plain fricatives, merging with the sibilants ⟨s-/-ss-⟩, ⟨-s-⟩ and ⟨x⟩ in most dialects, respectively. In spite of this, modern Portuguese has for the most part kept the medieval spelling.
• Deaffrication in Portuguese: some rural hinterland northern Portuguese dialects as well the Mirandese language preserved the medieval distinction, still indicated by the spelling, with the former affricates being voiceless laminal, voiced laminal and still voiceless post-alveolar affricate /tʃ/, respectively, and the sibilants being voiceless apical, voiced apical and voiceless palato-alveolar. As much of Brazilian Portuguese, these dialects have alveolar coda sibilants, though a voiceless apico-alveolar fricative has a hushing-like sound, more similar to /ʃ/.

Since no distinction is made anymore between the pronunciation of ⟨b⟩ and ⟨v⟩, Spanish spelling has been reformed according to Classical Latin. In Portuguese, the spelling of these letters is based on pronunciation, which is closer to Latin and modern Italian. This leads to some orthographic disparities:

• Compare for example Spanish gobierno, haber, libro with Portuguese governo, haver, livro.
• The endings of the imperfect indicative tense of 1st. conjugation verbs (with infinitives ending in -ar) are spelled with ⟨b⟩ in Spanish (cantaba, cantabas, cantábamos, and so on), but with ⟨v⟩ in Portuguese (cantava, cantavas, cantávamos, etc.)
• The Spanish adjectival suffix -ble, as in posible (also used in English, "possible"), corresponds to -vel in Portuguese: possível.

In Spanish, the plosives b, d, g are lenited, usually realized as "soft" approximants [β̞, ð̞, ɣ̞] (here represented without the undertracks) after continuants. While similar pronunciations can be heard in European Portuguese, most speakers of Brazilian Portuguese pronounce these phonemes consistently as "hard" plosives [b, d, ɡ]. This can make a Portuguese phrase such as uma bala ("a bullet") sound like una pala ("a shovel") to a Spanish-speaker.

In Spanish, the following word-final consonants are possible: -l, -r, -n, -d, -z, -j, -s, -x, but other final consonants are also allowed in loanwords.

In Portuguese, the following word-final consonants are possible: l, -r, -s, -x; -z (only after a stressed vowel); -n (only after an unstressed vowel). The final -m is an orthographic sign of a nasal sound. Other consonants typically receive a paragogic -e in loanwords.

• Barranquenho a transitional Spanish–Portuguese dialect with Southern Spanish traits spoken in the Portuguese municipality of Barrancos.
• Portuñol/Portunhol is the name for the mixed languages spoken in the borders of Brazil with Spanish-speaking countries.
• Papiamento is a creole language with Spanish and Portuguese influences.
• Judaeo-Spanish language is derived from medieval Castilian language, but has been influenced by Judaeo-Portuguese.
• Fala d'Ambo is a creole language derived from Portuguese but influenced by the rulers of Spanish Guinea.

• Portuguese language
  • History of Portuguese
  • Portuguese dialects
  • Portuguese grammar
    • Portuguese personal pronouns
    • Portuguese verb conjugation
  • Portuguese orthography
  • Portuguese phonology
  • List of Portuguese contracted prepositions ^[pt]
• Spanish language
  • History of the Spanish language
  • Spanish dialects and varieties
  • Spanish grammar
    • Spanish determiners
    • Spanish verbs
  • Spanish orthography
  • Spanish phonology
• Preterite
• Romance languages
  • Romance copula
• Subjunctive mood
• Vulgar Latin
• West Iberian languages
• Comparison of Italian and Spanish
• Galician language, a language that shares its history with Portuguese (Galician-Portuguese) but was later subject to Spanish influence.
  • Castrapo, a pejorative for Galician-influenced Spanish.
• Fala, a language part of the Galician-Portuguese family spoken in the Spanish autonomous community of Extremadura.

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