Shahis hindúes

No ha sobrevivido literatura de las cortes de los Shahi hindúes, a diferencia del caso de los Shahi turcos. Solo se puede obtener información fragmentada de las crónicas de las potencias vecinas: Cachemira y Ghaznavi . ^{[ 9 ] [ b ]} De la primera, el Rajatarangini de Kalhana ( 1148-1149 ) es la única fuente existente. ^{[ 9 ]} De la segunda, están Tārīkh al-Hind de al-Biruni (c. 1030), Tārīkh-i Bayhaqī de Abu'l-Faḍl Bayhaqi (c. finales del siglo XI), ^{[ c ]} Zayn al-Akhbar de Abu Sa'id Gardezi y Kitab-i Yamini de al-Utbi (c. 1020). ^{[ 9 ] [ 11 ] [ 10 ]}

The Hindu Shahis issued silver jital coinage which underwent wide circulation from nearby Sindh^[13] to northeastern Europe.^[14] They were first "discovered" by James Tod, a British orientalist in 1822.^[15] These coins exhibit progressive debasement with time, with a regular decrease of silver content, allowing for the sequencing of the coinage.^[16] Early issues do not mention personal names but only generic titles, thereby not matching with the names found from literature.^[17] The characteristic motif of a horseman on the reverse with a bull on the obverse goes back to the Indo-Scythian ruler Azes I.

A. R. Rahman of the Quaid-i-Azam University and Ahmad Hasan Dani did rudimentary field surveys in the late 1960s.^[9] Afterwards, the Italian Archaeological Mission in Pakistan (IAMP) extensively surveyed the regions in and around Swat.^[9] In 1996, Khan and Meister obtained a license from Department of Archaeology for an "integrated study of Hindu-Śāhi sites"; excavation at Kafir-kot and field-surveys of the Salt Range were engaged in with aid from the University of Pennsylvania and the American Institute of Pakistan Studies.^[18]

Inscriptions remain scarce.^[19] Mostly found in Udabhanda, they either commemorate the commissioning of temples or are affixed at the base of idol-pedestals.^[19] Of the former kind — Mir Ali Inscription, Dewal Inscription, Dewai Inscription, Ratnamanjari Inscription, Veka Inscription, Hund Stone Inscription, Kamesvaridevi Inscription, Barikot Inscription, and Isvara Inscription — most are disfigured to various extents due to their use as grinding stones in medieval times and are decipherable only in parts.^[19][20] The latter kind is relatively abundant but only provides snippets of trivia.^[19] The language script is exclusively Sharda.^[21][d] A samvat is mentioned in all of them whose zero year is understood to correspond to 822 C.E. based on the Zalamkot Bilingual Inscription; it has been assumed to be initiated by Kallar on his coronation, as was typically the case for most Hindu dynasties of medieval India.^[22][23] Copper land grants etc. are yet to be documented.^[19]

Al-Biruni notes that Samanta was the successor of Kallar and may have been his son, but their genealogical relationship is left undescribed.^[51] Like in the case of Kallar, there is a total lack of information on his rule or even his actual name and he seems to have replicated the Turk Shahi system of producing no name on their coinage.^[52] The Samanta series prototype was followed by all future Hindu Shahi rulers and even the Muslim Ghaznavids, who succeeded the Hindu Shahis.^[53]

Khudarayaka: gobernador del valle de Kabul

It is unknown what arrangements Ya'qub made for the governance of Kabul after his victory and imprisonment of the then ruler; we only have Tarikh-i Sistan noting that Kabul was under an unnamed Ya'qub governor as late as 878/879.^[55] It is speculated that this governor was some blood relation of Samanta who was favourably inclined to Islam and went on to take the title of Khudarayaka (lit. Small King) as ascertainable from a series of coins.^[57][h] As has been the case with previous rulers, there is a lack of information including about his actual name, course of rule and eventual fate.^[58] The unavailability of his coins in or around Gandhara points to his lack of control over the region, which did not come into contact with Ya'qub's expeditions and were likely held by Samanta's relatives.^[58]

Nothing definite is known about the reign of the Hindu Shahi ruler Kamaluka, except that he was succeeded by his son, Bhimadeva. Concurrent to his reign, the Saffarids rapidly lost their power to the Samanids^[63] and sometime after 913 CE, the power vacuum led to the rise of a friendly dynasty in Ghazni, the Lawik dynasty, which flourished until 962 CE and engaged in marital ties with the Hindu Shahis.^[64] There are various unsubstantiated speculations regarding the end date of Kamaluka's reign, ranging from 900 to 950.^[65][j]

A vakka deva elephant-and-lion series has been attributed by Rahman to Kamaluka.^[66] However, based on the Mazar-i-Sharif inscription which mentions Sri Sahi Veka and has been dated to 959 CE by Ahmad Hasan Dani, Dani suggests him to be a distinct Hindu Shahi ruler, ruling concurrently with Bhimadeva in northern Afghanistan.^[67] Khaw agrees with Dani regarding the dating of inscription but doubts existence of Hindu Shahi rule in the territories which would be then under Samanids.^[68]

Mencionado como 'Bhima' en la lista de al-Biruni e identificado con la serie de monedas Śri Bhīmadeva , Bhimadeva fue uno de los gobernantes más destacados de los Shahis hindúes junto con Lalliya. ^{[ 69 ]} Su ascenso al poder coincidió con el crecimiento de reinos hindúes vecinos, como el Imperio Pala . Según la inscripción en piedra de Khajuraho, el valle de Kangra estaba bajo la autoridad de un rey Shahi que se presume era Bhimadeva, y se presume además que la ciudad de Bhimanagar, en la actual Kangra, recibió su nombre en su honor. ^{[ 70 ]} El Rajatarangini afirma que la hija de Bhima se casó con el rey Lohara de Cachemira, y su nieta, conocida como Didda, se convirtió en la reina y última gobernante de la dinastía Utpala. ^{[ 71 ]}

Bhimadeva's successors would all have the surname of "Pala", and Muslim sources give hazy indications of a successional dispute, leading several scholars to suggest that a new dynasty had gained power.^[73] Rahman states that there exists insufficient evidence in favour of such a hypothesis.^[73]

One Vijayapaladeva (r. 942 or 963) is obtained from the Ratnamanjari Inscription where he is held to be the 'supreme sovereign' or 'Maharajadhiraja'.^[20] Rahman proposed that Vijayapaladeva had to have either belonged to the Kabul branch or had been a local Shahi feudatory.^[10] Khaw disagrees and instead equates Vijayapaladeva with one Thakkana Sahi, mentioned by Kalhana as a rebel who had to be captured by queen Didda of Kashmir.^[20] For Khaw, this identification fits within the narrative of Muslim sources; Jayapala ascended only after this threat was neutralized.^[20][k]

South Asia1000 CE

KARAKHANIDKHANATE

KHOTAN

GHAZNAVIDEMPIRE

MULTANEMIRATE

PALA EMPIRE

KAMARUPA

HINDUSHAHIS

MARYUL

UTPA-LAS

GUHILAS

CHUDA-SAMAS

HABBARIDEMIRATE

CHAHAMANAS

TOMARAS

MAKRANSULTANATE

PARAMARAS

SHILA-HARAS

WESTERNCHALUKYAS

EASTERNCHALUKYAS

CHOLAS

KADAMBAS

CHANDELAS

KALACHURIS

SOMAVAMSHIS

KALINGAS

GUGE

The Hindu Shahis and main South Asian polities in 1000, on the eve of the Ghaznavid invasions of the subcontinent.^[106]

Anandapala ascended to the throne around April 1002.^[107] His capital city remains unknown but was likely Nandana.^[108][r] Anandapala had entered into marital relations with Tunga, the prime-minister of Didda, then-ruler of Kashmir and had at least two sons.^[109] He commanded significant fame as a patron of scholars though texts from his court are not extant.^[109]

Circa April 1006, Mahmud requested Anandapala to consent to the passage of his troops via his territories to reach Daud, the ruler of Multan.^[110] He declined the request and even went to the extent of stationing troops on the banks of Indus to prevent Mahmud's crossing, an enraged Mahmud waged a complete war upon the Shahis and compelled Anandapala to escape to Kashmir before eventually finishing his original objective of conquering Multan.^[111] All these territories of "Hind" were left under the governorship of a certain Sukhapala, a member of Hindu Shahi dynasty and convert to Islam.^[112]

However, a couple of years hence, Sukhapala renounced Islam (c. late 1006) and declared rebellion.^[112] At this juncture, Anandapala tried to make space for himself by promising to aid Mahmud in containing Turk rebellions at the other side of his empire; apparently, he did not want a ruler who had defeated him, to be defeated by another.^[113][s] It is unknown whether Anandapala's offer was accepted but Mahmud stalled his chase of Ilaq Khan and turned his attention to the Shahis; Sukhapala offered negligible resistance before fleeing into Kashmir from where he was captured, fined, and imprisoned to death.^[113] It is likely that Anandapala was installed as the next Ghaznavid vassal.^[10]

C. Diciembre de 1008, Mahmud emprendió una invasión de los Shahis hindúes por razones que no están claras. ^{[ 114 ]} Anandapala envió un gran ejército, reemplazado por tropas vecinas bajo el mando de su hijo, Trilochanapala, quien llegó a las llanuras de Chach pero no pudo impedir que las tropas de Mahmud cruzaran el Indo. ^{[ 114 ]} La batalla de Chach terminó con la derrota de los Shahis hindúes. ^{[ 115 ]} Mahmud persiguió a las tropas fugitivas durante meses, apoderándose de Nagarkot para recoger su botín de guerra, e incluso tomó como rehén a un hijo de Anandapala. ^{[ 116 ]} Se instalaron gobernadores en todas las provincias conquistadas y Mahmud regresaría a Ghazni. ^{[ 10 ]}

Este sería el último conflicto militar de Anandapala; al año siguiente, Anandapala envió una embajada a Mahmud. ^{[ 117 ]} La propuesta de paz fue aceptada y, a cambio, los shahis hindúes aceptarían el estatus de tributarios, proporcionarían apoyo militar (limitado), garantizarían el paso de tropas y remitirían un tributo anual. ^{[ 117 ]} Mahmud envió a sus propios agentes para supervisar el cumplimiento del tratado de paz y, en el plazo de un año, se reanudaron las relaciones comerciales normales. ^{[ 117 ]} La muerte de Anandapala no está registrada en ninguna crónica; sin embargo, se puede determinar que ocurrió entre finales de 1010 y principios de 1011. ^{[ 118 ]} El destino del hijo llevado de vuelta a Ghazni permanece desconocido.

Al-Biruni sostuvo que Trilochanapala tenía una actitud favorable hacia los súbditos musulmanes, a diferencia de su padre. ^{[ 109 ]} Trilochanapala no deshonró el tratado de Anandapala, pero cuando Mahmud quiso marchar hacia Thanesar a través de territorios shahi hindúes, propuso que se perdonara la ciudad a cambio de un tratado de paz negociado. ^{[ 119 ]} Mahmud rechazó la petición y saqueó Thanesar con un paso sin incidentes a través de territorios shahi. ^{[ 120 ]} Sin embargo, como consecuencia o por alguna otra razón, Trilochanapala pronto dejó de pagar los tributos anuales a Mahmud y declaró la guerra. ^{[ 120 ]}

In November 1013, Mahmud progressed towards Hind to contain Trilochanapala but failed to make it across the snow-laden passes.^[121] Taking advantage of this delay, Trilochanapala tasked his son Bhimapala with arranging Shahi troops and went to Kashmir, where he received a battalion from king Sangramaraja of the Lohara dynasty, commanded by Tunga.^[121] The face-off happened in the middle of the following year.^[10] Bhimapala initially went about exploiting the local topography of a narrow mountain-pass in his favor, and launched stinging guerrilla attacks on Mahmud's troops—to the extent of being referred to by Uth'bi as "Bhima, the Fearless", until he got confident of his numerical superiority and switched to open-warfare; in the mayhem that followed this tactical blunder, the Shahis were routed and Bhima had to flee.^[122]

The fortress at Nandana was sacked for war-spoils and a Ghaznavid governor was installed, while Mahmud went searching for Trilochanapala.^[123] Trilochanpala, in the meantime, had set up his base with Kashmiri forces on the banks of the Poonch River.^[124] An initial round of success against a Ghaznavid reconnaissance party contributed to Tunga's pride and he then mounted a disastrous maneuver without consulting experienced Shahi generals, ensuring another crippling defeat coupled with a total loss of territory, west of Tausi.^[124] Rahman noted this campaign to be the death-blow for the Hindu Shahis — "it was no longer a question of whether but a question of when" the Shahis would perish.^[124]

From the outset of his rule, Trilochanapala had chosen to expand into the Siwalik Hills to make up for the territories lost in his predecessors' conflicts with the Ghaznavids: this brought him into multiple conflicts with Chandar Rai of Sharwa.^[124] But the fatal encounter with Mahmud ensured that Trilochanapala had nowhere but the Siwaliks to retreat into and compelled him to enter into a peace treaty, even offering his son to be married to the daughter of Chandar.^[125] The offer was accepted but Bhima was imprisoned when he went to bring the bride home and Chandar asked for reparations.^[126] This brought an end to Trilochanapala's imperial ambitions in the Lower Himalayas for the time being though stray conflicts continued.^[126]

Cuando Mahmud saqueó Sharwa al regresar de su campaña de Kanauj (c. 1017), se señala que Trilochanapala se refugió con Paramara Bhoja . ^{[ 127 ]} Poco después, importantes entidades políticas del Doab firmaron tratados entre sí y con los Shahis hindúes para evitar futuras invasiones de escala similar. ^{[ 128 ]} Mahmud no vio con buenos ojos estas alianzas y regresó en octubre de 1019. ^{[ 128 ]} Los hombres de Trilochanapala recibieron la orden de Vidyadhara de Chandela de impedir que las tropas de Mahmud cruzaran el Ramganga (en algún lugar cerca de Bulandshahr ) y tomaron posiciones en la orilla oriental, pero no lograron cumplir la tarea. ^{[ 128 ]} Posteriormente, Trilochanapala planeó retirarse, probablemente para unirse a las fuerzas de Vidyadhara para el enfrentamiento principal, pero una rápida carga de las tropas de Mahmud les infligió otra rotunda derrota. ^{[ 129 ]} Bulandshahr fue saqueada y dos de sus esposas e hijas encarceladas. ^{[ 129 ]} Intentó firmar un tratado de paz, pero fue en vano, lo que lo obligó a huir a Vidyadhara. ^{[ 129 ]} Se desconoce si llegó al campamento, pero se sabe que Vidyadhara ya había abandonado sus puestos para entonces. ^{[ 130 ]}

En 1021, ^{[ t ]} Trilochanapala, para entonces un gobernante de poca importancia según todas las probabilidades, fue asesinado por sus tropas hindúes amotinadas por razones desconocidas. ^{[ 130 ]} Bhimapala, quien debió haber escapado de los Rais en algún momento intermedio, lo sucedió y continuó gobernando hasta 1026; no se sabe nada sobre su gobierno ni sus territorios. ^{[ 131 ]}

Adab al-Harb —un manual de arte de gobernar producido durante la época de Iltutmish , que contiene una gran cantidad de información única sobre los gaznávidas— señala que en 1040, un tal Sandbal, nieto del Shah de Kabul, marchó hacia Lahore buscando aprovechar el encarcelamiento de Masʽud I y la consiguiente inestabilidad política en su favor. ^{[ 132 ]} Los ejércitos se encontraron en Qadar Jur (var. Qalachur) y, a pesar de que los Shahis tenían superioridad numérica, fueron derrotados cuando sus tropas abandonaron la batalla en estado de pánico después de que Sandbal fuera asesinado por un arquero turco. ^{[ 132 ]} Parecía haber estado basado en los Siwaliks y podría haber sido un heredero Shahi; muchas crónicas musulmanas contemporáneas mencionan un triunvirato hindú que atacó sin éxito a los gaznávidas por la misma época, pero solo mencionan dos de los nombres, ambos pequeños jefes Siwalik y no Sandbal. ^{[ 132 ]} Algunos shahis emigraron a Cachemira y obtuvieron posiciones destacadas en su corte. ^{[ 133 ]}

El shaivismo era practicado por los shahis hindúes y probablemente también era la religión predominante; algunos súbditos practicaban el saura, al igual que el budismo y el islam . ^{[ 134 ] [ 135 ] [ 20 ]} Kabul exportaba ropa de algodón e índigo. ^{[ 136 ]} Ibn Hawqal menciona las industrias de algodón y lana de alta calidad durante el reinado shahi, en las que se destacaban las exportaciones a China y Khorusan. También se fundía mineral de plata en Andarab y se realizaba minería en la región de Panjshir . ^{[ 136 ]}

También se observa que la escritura bactriana durante el período de los Shahis hindúes se abandonó y se sustituyó por la escritura Sharada . Se observó que la vestimenta consistía en prendas exteriores de algodón, pantalones y zapatos, y que los hombres se afeitaban el cabello y la barba. ^{[ 137 ]} Una moneda de oro de Bhimadeva lo describe vistiendo un dhoti y un uttariya . ^{[ 138 ]}

Se construyeron nuevos templos dentro de las fortalezas, mientras que los existentes fueron extensamente restaurados o reacondicionados. ^{[ 139 ]} El estilo arquitectónico Gandhār-Nagara desarrolló formulaciones distintivas bajo los Shahi hindúes. ^{[ 139 ]} Meister señala que un templo Shahi hindú típico tiene dos cámaras a nivel del suelo incrustadas dentro de una torre que conduce a una apariencia de minarete con un deambulatorio en la parte superior, al que se accede por una escalera. ^{[ 140 ]} Él fecha la construcción de ocho templos a los Shahi hindúes, seis de los cuales se fotografían a continuación. ^{[ 141 ]} También había dos templos de arenisca en Malot y Shiv-Gangā (siglo X) que exhibían una mezcla de arquitectura Shahi y Cachemira, dando testimonio de los flujos culturales entre las dos entidades políticas. ^{[ 142 ]}

La arqueología de los Shahi hindúes sigue sin ser reconocida y poco comprendida. ^{[ 143 ]} Dani atribuyó fortalezas en ruinas a los Shahi hindúes en Pehur , Kamala y Bata, pero sin razonamiento detallado. ^{[ 144 ]} Hund sigue siendo el principal sitio arqueológico. ^{[ 145 ]} Se encuentran evidencias fragmentarias en todo el valle de Peshawar. ^{[ 146 ]} Las excavaciones de Rahman et al. documentaron un monasterio budista en Barikot , que fue reconvertido en una fortaleza Shahi hindú.