Articulo de referencia

History of the Jews in Germany

Checked The history of the Jews in Germany goes back at least to the year 321 AD, [ 2 ] [ 3 ] and continued through the Early Middle Ages (5th to 10th centuries AD) and High Mid...

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The history of the Jews in Germany goes back at least to the year 321 AD,[2][3] and continued through the Early Middle Ages (5th to 10th centuries AD) and High Middle Ages (c. 1000–1299 AD) when Jewish immigrants from France founded the Ashkenazi Jewish community. The community survived under Charlemagne, but suffered during the Crusades. Accusations of well poisoning during the Black Death (1346–1353) led to mass slaughter of German Jews,[4] while others fled in large numbers to Poland. The Jewish communities of the cities of Mainz, Speyer and Worms became the center of Jewish life during medieval times. "This was a golden age as area bishops protected the Jews, resulting in increased trade and prosperity."[5]

The First Crusade began an era of persecution of Jews in Germany.[6] Entire communities, like those of Trier, Worms, Mainz and Cologne, were slaughtered. The Hussite Wars became the signal for renewed persecution of Jews. The end of the 15th century was a period of religious hatred that ascribed to Jews all possible evils. With Napoleon's fall in 1815, growing nationalism resulted in increasing repression. From August to October 1819, pogroms that came to be known as the Hep-Hep riots took place throughout Germany. During this time, many German states stripped Jews of their civil rights. As a result, many German Jews began to emigrate.

From the time of Moses Mendelssohn until the 20th century, the community gradually achieved emancipation, and then prospered.[7]

En enero de 1933, aproximadamente 530.000 judíos vivían en Alemania. [ 8 ] Después de que los nazis tomaran el poder e implementaran su ideología y políticas antisemitas , la comunidad judía fue cada vez más perseguida. Alrededor del 60% (unos 306.000) emigró durante los primeros seis años de la dictadura nazi . En 1933, la persecución de los judíos se convirtió en una política oficial nazi . En 1935 y 1936, el ritmo de la persecución antisemita aumentó. En 1936, se prohibió a los judíos ejercer cualquier profesión, impidiéndoles de hecho participar en la educación, la política, la educación superior y la industria. El 9 de noviembre de 1938, la policía estatal y las fuerzas paramilitares nazis orquestaron la Noche de los Cristales Rotos ( Kristallnacht ), en la que se destrozaron y vandalizaron los escaparates de tiendas y oficinas judías, y muchas sinagogas fueron destruidas por el fuego. En vísperas de la Segunda Guerra Mundial , solo quedaban aproximadamente 214.000 judíos en la Alemania propiamente dicha (fronteras de 1937) . [ 9 ]

A partir de finales de 1941, la comunidad restante fue sometida a deportaciones sistemáticas a guetos y, finalmente, a campos de exterminio en Europa del Este . [ 9 ] En mayo de 1943, Alemania fue declarada judenrein (libre de judíos; también judenfrei : libre de judíos). [ 9 ] Al final de la guerra, se estima que entre 160.000 y 180.000 judíos alemanes habían sido asesinados por el régimen nazi y sus colaboradores. [ 9 ] Un total de aproximadamente seis millones de judíos europeos fueron asesinados bajo la dirección de los nazis, en el genocidio que más tarde se conocería como el Holocausto .

Tras la guerra, la comunidad judía en Alemania comenzó a crecer lentamente de nuevo. A partir de 1990, un rápido crecimiento fue impulsado por la inmigración procedente de la antigua Unión Soviética , de modo que a principios del siglo XXI, Alemania contaba con la única comunidad judía en crecimiento de Europa, [ 10 ] y la mayoría de los judíos alemanes eran de habla rusa . En 2018, la población judía de Alemania se había estabilizado en 126 000, sin incluir a los miembros no judíos de los hogares; la población total estimada de judíos que vivían en Alemania, incluyendo a los miembros no judíos de los hogares, era cercana a los 225 000. [ 1 ]

Según la ley alemana, la negación del Holocausto o de que seis millones de judíos fueron asesinados en el Holocausto (§ 130 StGB) es un acto delictivo; las infracciones pueden ser castigadas con hasta cinco años de prisión. [ 11 ] En 2006, con motivo de la Copa Mundial celebrada en Alemania, el entonces Ministro del Interior de Alemania , Wolfgang Schäuble , instó a la vigilancia contra el extremismo de ultraderecha , diciendo: «No toleraremos ninguna forma de extremismo, xenofobia o antisemitismo ». [ 12 ] A pesar de las medidas de Alemania contra estos grupos y antisemitas, se han producido varios incidentes en los últimos años.

Del dominio romano a las Cruzadas

Judíos que llevaban el pileus cornutus representado ca. 1185 en el Hortus deliciarum de la abadesa Herrad de Landsberg .

La migración judía desde la Italia romana se considera la fuente más probable de los primeros judíos en territorio alemán. Había judíos en Roma ya en el 139 a. C. [ 13 ] Si bien no se conoce la fecha del primer asentamiento de judíos en las regiones que los romanos llamaban Germania Superior , Germania Inferior y Magna Germania , el primer documento auténtico relacionado con una comunidad judía grande y bien organizada en estas regiones data del 321 d. C. [ 14 ] [ 15 ] [ 16 ] [ 17 ] y se refiere a Colonia en el Rin . [ 18 ] [ 19 ] [ 20 ] Indica que el estatus legal de los judíos allí era el mismo que en el resto del Imperio romano . Gozaban de algunas libertades civiles, pero estaban restringidos en cuanto a la difusión de su cultura, la tenencia de esclavos no judíos y el ejercicio de cargos públicos.

Jews were otherwise free to follow any occupation open to indigenous Germans and were engaged in agriculture, trade, industry, and gradually money-lending. These conditions at first continued in the subsequently established Germanic kingdoms under the Burgundians and Franks, for ecclesiasticism took root slowly. The Merovingian rulers who succeeded to the Burgundian empire were devoid of fanaticism and gave scant support to the efforts of the Church to restrict the civic and social status of the Jews.

Charlemagne (800–814) readily made use of the Roman Catholic Church for the purpose of infusing coherence into the loosely joined parts of his extensive empire, but was not by any means a blind tool of the canonical law. He employed Jews for diplomatic purposes, sending, for instance, a Jew as interpreter and guide with his embassy to Harun al-Rashid.[21] Yet, even then, a gradual change occurred in the lives of the Jews. The Church forbade Christians to be usurers, so the Jews secured the remunerativemonopoly of money-lending. This decree caused a mixed reaction of people in general in the Carolingian Empire (including Germany) to the Jews: Jewish people were sought everywhere, as well as avoided. This ambivalence about Jews occurred because their capital was indispensable, while their business was viewed as disreputable. This curious combination of circumstances increased Jewish influence, and Jews went about the country freely, settling also in the eastern portions (Old Saxony and Duchy of Thuringia). Aside from Cologne, where an 8th century mikveh exists, the earliest communities were established in Mainz, Worms, Speyer, Regensburg, and Aachen.[22]

The status of the German Jews remained unchanged under Charlemagne's successor, Louis the Pious. Jews were unrestricted in their commerce; however, they paid somewhat higher taxes into the state treasury than did the non-Jews. A special officer, the Judenmeister, was appointed by the government to protect Jewish privileges. The later Carolingians, however, followed the demands of the Church more stringently. The bishops continually argued at the synods for including and enforcing decrees of the canonical law, with the consequence that the majority Christian populace mistrusted the Jewish populace. This feeling, among both princes and people, was further stimulated by the attacks on the civic equality of the Jews. Beginning with the 10th century, Holy Week increasingly became a period of antisemitic activities. Jews in Germany could read and understand the Hebrew prayers and the Bible in the original text. Halakhic studies began to flourish about 1000.

At that time, RavGershom ben Judah was teaching at Metz and Mainz, gathering about him pupils from far and near. He is described in Jewish historiography as a model of wisdom, humility, and piety, and became known to succeeding generations as the "Light of the Exile".[23] In highlighting his role in the religious development of Jews in the German lands, The Jewish Encyclopedia (1901–1906) draws a direct connection to the great spiritual fortitude later shown by the Jewish communities in the era of the Crusades:

He first stimulated the German Jews to study the treasures of their religious literature. This continuous study of the Torah and the Talmud produced such a devotion to Judaism that the Jews considered life without their religion not worth living; but they did not realize this clearly until the time of the Crusades, when they were often compelled to choose between life and faith.[24]

Cultural and religious centre of European Jewry

The Jewish communities of the cities of Speyer, Worms, and Mainz formed the league of cities which became the center of Jewish life during medieval times. These are referred to as the ShUM cities, after the first letters of the Hebrew names: Shin for Speyer (Shpira), Waw for Worms (Varmaisa) and Mem for Mainz (Magentza). The Takkanot Shum (Hebrew: תקנות שו"ם "Enactments of ShUM") were a set of decrees formulated and agreed upon over a period of decades by their Jewish community leaders. The official website for the city of Mainz states:

One of the most glorious epochs in Mainz's long history was the period from the beginning of the 900s and evidently much earlier. Following the barbaric Dark Ages, a relatively safe and enlightened Carolingian period brought peace and prosperity to Mainz and much of central–western Europe. For the next 400 years, Mainz attracted many Jews as trade flourished. The greatest Jewish teachers and rabbis flocked to the Rhine. Their teachings, dialogues, decisions, and influence propelled Mainz and neighboring towns along the Rhine into world-wide prominence. Their fame spread, rivaling that of other post-Diaspora cities such as Baghdad. Western European – Ashkenazic or Germanic – Judaism became centered in Mainz, breaking free of the Babylonian traditions. A Yeshiva was founded in the 10th century by Gershom ben Judah.[5]

Historian John Man describes Mainz as "the capital of European Jewry", noting that Gershom ben Judah "was the first to bring copies of the Talmud to Western Europe" and that his directives "helped Jews adapt to European practices."[25]: 27–28 Gershom's school attracted Jews from all over Europe, including the famous biblical scholar Rashi;[26] and "in the mid-14th century, it had the largest Jewish community in Europe: some 6,000."[27] "In essence," states the City of Mainz web site, "this was a golden age as area bishops protected the Jews resulting in increased trade and prosperity."[5]

A period of massacres (1096–1349)

Durante las masacres de Renania de 1096, turbas de cruzados franceses y alemanes , lideradas por Pedro el Ermitaño, asolaron las comunidades judías de Espira , Worms y Maguncia .

La Primera Cruzada marcó el comienzo de una era de persecución contra los judíos en Alemania, especialmente en Renania . [ 6 ] Las comunidades de Tréveris , Worms , Maguncia y Colonia fueron atacadas. La comunidad judía de Espira fue salvada por el obispo, pero 800 fueron asesinados en Worms . Se estima que unos 12 000 judíos perecieron solo en las ciudades renanas entre mayo y julio de 1096. Supuestos crímenes, como la profanación de la hostia, el asesinato ritual, el envenenamiento de pozos y la traición, llevaron a cientos a la hoguera y obligaron a miles al exilio.

Se alegaba que los judíos [ 28 ] habían causado las incursiones de los mongoles , aunque sufrieron por igual que los cristianos. Los judíos sufrieron una intensa persecución durante las masacres de Rintfleisch de 1298. En 1336, los judíos de Alsacia fueron sometidos a masacres por los forajidos de Arnold von Uissigheim .

Cuando la Peste Negra asoló Europa en 1348-1349, algunas comunidades cristianas acusaron a los judíos de envenenar pozos . En comparación con el sur y el oeste del Sacro Imperio Romano Germánico, las persecuciones parecen haber tenido efectos menos drásticos en las partes orientales del mismo. No obstante, en la masacre de Erfurt de 1349 , los miembros de toda la comunidad judía fueron asesinados o expulsados ​​de la ciudad debido a supersticiones sobre la Peste Negra. Muchas persecuciones se vieron claramente favorecidas por una crisis de trono y el dualismo Wittelsbach - Luxemburgo ; por lo tanto, investigaciones alemanas recientes propusieron el término «Thronkrisenverfolgungen» (persecuciones por crisis de trono). [ 29 ] La política real y la ambivalencia pública hacia los judíos ayudaron a los judíos perseguidos que huían al este desde las tierras de habla alemana a formar los cimientos de lo que se convertiría en la mayor comunidad judía de toda Europa.

En el Sacro Imperio Romano Germánico

El emperador del Sacro Imperio Romano Germánico, Enrique VII, se reúne con judíos en Roma, 1312.

Procedentes de Francia, los Países Bajos y España, la situación jurídica y civil de los judíos se transformó bajo el Sacro Imperio Romano Germánico. El Sacro Emperador Romano Germánico les brindó cierta protección , ya que reclamaba el derecho de posesión y protección sobre todos los judíos del imperio. Justificaba esta pretensión alegando que el Sacro Emperador Romano Germánico era sucesor del emperador Tito , quien supuestamente había adquirido a los judíos como propiedad privada . Los emperadores alemanes, al parecer, reclamaban este derecho de posesión más para gravar a los judíos que para protegerlos.

Existía una variedad de impuestos de este tipo. Luis IV, emperador del Sacro Imperio Romano Germánico , fue un prolífico creador de nuevos impuestos. En 1342, instituyó el «penique de oro sacrificial» y decretó que cada año todos los judíos debían pagar al emperador un kreutzer por cada florín de su propiedad, además de los impuestos que ya pagaban tanto al Estado como a las autoridades municipales. Los emperadores de la Casa de Luxemburgo idearon otros medios de tributación. Aprovecharon sus prerrogativas con respecto a los judíos vendiendo a un alto precio a los príncipes y ciudades libres del imperio el valioso privilegio de gravar y multar a los judíos. Carlos IV , mediante la Bula de Oro de 1356 , otorgó este privilegio a los siete electores del imperio cuando este se reorganizó en 1356.

From this time onward, for reasons that also apparently concerned taxes, the Jews of Germany gradually passed in increasing numbers from the authority of the emperor to that of both the lesser sovereigns and the cities. For the sake of sorely needed revenue, the Jews were now invited, with the promise of full protection, to return to those districts and cities from which they had shortly before been expelled. However, as soon as Jewish people acquired some property, they were again plundered and driven away. These episodes thenceforth constituted a large portion of the medieval history of the German Jews (and also elsewhere in Europe). Emperor Wenceslaus was particularly skilled at transferring gold from wealthier Jews to his own coffers. He entered compacts with many cities, estates, and princes whereby he annulled all outstanding debts to the Jews in return for a certain sum paid to him. Emperor Wenceslaus declared that anyone helping Jews with the collection of their debts, in spite of this annulment, would be dealt with as a robber and peacebreaker, and be forced to make restitution. This decree, which is believed to have impaired the public availability of credit was also reported to have impoverished thousands of Jewish families near the close of the 14th century.

Jews burned alive for the alleged host desecration in Deggendorf, Bavaria, in 1338, and in Sternberg, Mecklenburg, in 1492; a woodcut from the Nuremberg Chronicle (1493)

The 15th century did not bring any amelioration. What happened in the time of the Crusades happened again. The war upon the Hussites became the signal for renewed persecution of Jews. The Jews of Austria, Bohemia, Moravia, and Silesia passed through all the terrors of death, forced baptism, or voluntary self-immolation for the sake of their faith. When the Hussites made peace with the Church, the Pope sent the Franciscan friar John of Capistrano to win the renegades back into the fold and inspire them with loathing for "heresy" and "unbelief"; 41 heretics were burned in Wrocław alone, and all Jews were forever banished from Silesia. The Franciscan friar Bernardine of Feltre brought a similar fate upon the communities in southern and western Germany. As a consequence of the fictitious confessions extracted under torture from the Jews of Trent, the populace of many cities, especially of Regensburg, fell upon the Jews and massacred them.

The end of the 15th century, which brought a new epoch for the Christian world, brought no relief to the Jews. Jews in Germany remained the victims of a religious hatred that ascribed to them all possible evils. When the established Church, threatened in its spiritual power in Germany and elsewhere, prepared for its conflict with the culture of the German Renaissance, one of its most convenient points of attack was rabbinic literature. At this time, as once before in France, Jewish converts spread false reports in regard to the Talmud, but an advocate of the book arose in the person of Johann Reuchlin, the German humanist, who was the first one in Germany to include the Hebrew language among the humanities. His opinion, though strongly opposed by the Dominicans and their followers, finally prevailed when the humanistic Pope Leo X permitted the Talmud to be printed in Italy.

Moses Mendelssohn

Moses Mendelssohn

Aunque la lectura de libros en alemán estaba prohibida en el siglo XVIII por los inspectores judíos, que ostentaban cierto poder policial en Alemania, Moses Mendelssohn encontró su primer libro en alemán, una edición de teología protestante , en un sistema bien organizado de caridad judía para estudiantes talmúdicos necesitados. Mendelssohn leyó este libro y halló pruebas de la existencia de Dios : su primer contacto con una muestra de la literatura europea. Este fue solo el comienzo de las investigaciones de Mendelssohn sobre el conocimiento de la vida. Mendelssohn aprendió muchos idiomas nuevos y, dado que toda su educación consistía en lecciones del Talmud, pensaba en hebreo y traducía para sí mismo a este idioma cada nueva obra que encontraba. La división entre los judíos y el resto de la sociedad se debía a la falta de traducción entre estos dos idiomas, y Mendelssohn tradujo la Torá al alemán, tendiendo un puente entre ambos; este libro permitió a los judíos hablar y escribir en alemán, preparándolos para participar en la cultura alemana y la ciencia secular. En 1750, Mendelssohn comenzó a trabajar como maestro en la casa de Isaac Bernhard, propietario de una fábrica de seda, tras iniciar la publicación de sus ensayos filosóficos en alemán. Mendelssohn concebía a Dios como un Ser perfecto y tenía fe en su sabiduría, justicia, misericordia y bondad. Sostenía que el mundo es el resultado de un acto creativo mediante el cual la voluntad divina busca alcanzar el bien supremo, y aceptaba la existencia de milagros y revelaciones siempre que la fe en Dios no dependiera de ellos. También creía que la revelación no podía contradecir la razón. Al igual que los deístas, Mendelssohn afirmaba que la razón podía descubrir la realidad de Dios, la providencia divina y la inmortalidad del alma . Fue el primero en manifestarse en contra del uso de la excomunión como amenaza religiosa. En la cúspide de su carrera, en 1769, un apologista cristiano , el pastor de Zúrich John Lavater , lo desafió públicamente a defender la superioridad del judaísmo sobre el cristianismo. A partir de entonces, se dedicó a defender el judaísmo por escrito. En 1783, publicó Jerusalén, o Sobre el poder religioso y el judaísmo.. Speculating that no religious institution should use coercion and emphasized that Judaism does not coerce the mind through dogma, he argued that through reason, all people could discover religious philosophical truths, but what made Judaism unique was its revealed code of legal, ritual, and moral law. He said that Jews must live in civil society, but only in a way that their right to observe religious laws is granted, while also recognizing the needs for respect, and multiplicity of religions. He campaigned for emancipation and instructed Jews to form bonds with the gentile governments, attempting to improve the relationship between Jews and Christians while arguing for tolerance and humanity. He became the symbol of the Jewish Enlightenment, the Haskalah.[30]

Early 19th century

David Friedländer was a German Jewish communal leader who promoted Jewish emancipation in the Holy Roman Empire.

In the late 18th century, a youthful enthusiasm for new ideals of religious equality began to take hold in the western world. Austrian Emperor Joseph II was foremost in espousing these new ideals. As early as 1782, he issued the Patent of Toleration for the Jews of Lower Austria, thereby establishing civic equality for his Jewish subjects.

Before 1806, when general citizenship was largely nonexistent in the Holy Roman Empire, its inhabitants were subject to varying estate regulations. In different ways from one territory of the empire to another, these regulations classified inhabitants into different groups, such as dynasts, members of the court entourage, other aristocrats, city dwellers (burghers), Jews, Huguenots (in Prussia a special estate until 1810), free peasants, serfs, peddlers and Gypsies, with different privileges and burdens attached to each classification. Legal inequality was the principle.

El concepto de ciudadanía se limitaba principalmente a las ciudades, especialmente a las Ciudades Imperiales Libres . No existía un sufragio general, que seguía siendo un privilegio para unos pocos que habían heredado la condición o la adquirían al alcanzar cierto nivel de ingresos sujetos a impuestos o al poder costear el impuesto de ciudadanía ( Bürgergeld ). La ciudadanía solía estar aún más restringida a los habitantes de la ciudad afiliados a la denominación cristiana dominante localmente ( calvinismo , catolicismo romano o luteranismo ). Los habitantes de otras denominaciones o religiones, así como aquellos que carecían de la riqueza necesaria para ser ciudadanos, eran considerados meros residentes sin derechos políticos y, en ocasiones, estaban sujetos a permisos de residencia revocables.

La mayoría de los judíos que vivían entonces en aquellas zonas de Alemania donde se les permitía asentarse eran considerados automáticamente habitantes autóctonos, dependiendo de permisos que solían ser menos generosos que los otorgados a los habitantes autóctonos no judíos ( Einwohner , en contraposición a Bürger , o ciudadano). En el siglo XVIII, algunos judíos y sus familias (como Daniel Itzig en Berlín) alcanzaron la misma condición que sus conciudadanos cristianos, pero tenían un estatus diferente al de los nobles, los hugonotes o los siervos. A menudo no gozaban del derecho a la libertad de movimiento a través de los límites territoriales o incluso municipales, y mucho menos del mismo estatus en cualquier nuevo lugar que en su lugar de residencia anterior.

Con la abolición de las diferencias de estatus legal durante la era napoleónica y sus consecuencias, la ciudadanía se estableció como un nuevo derecho que generalmente se aplicaba a todos los antiguos súbditos de los monarcas. Prusia confirió la ciudadanía a los judíos prusianos en 1812, aunque esto no resultó en la plena igualdad con los demás ciudadanos. La emancipación judía no eliminó todas las formas de discriminación contra los judíos, quienes a menudo seguían excluidos de ocupar cargos oficiales estatales. Los edictos federales alemanes de 1815 solo ofrecieron la perspectiva de la plena igualdad, pero no se implementó realmente en ese momento, e incluso las promesas que se habían hecho fueron modificadas. Sin embargo, tales formas de discriminación ya no eran el principio rector para ordenar la sociedad, sino una violación de la misma. En Austria , muchas leyes que restringían el comercio y el tráfico de súbditos judíos permanecieron en vigor hasta mediados del siglo XIX a pesar de la patente de tolerancia. Algunos de los territorios de la corona, como Estiria y Alta Austria , prohibían a los judíos establecerse en su territorio; En Bohemia, Moravia y la Silesia austriaca , muchas ciudades les estaban cerradas. Los judíos también estaban sometidos a fuertes impuestos y gravámenes.

Nanette Kaulla in a painting for the Gallery of Beauties in 1829

In the German Kingdom of Prussia, the government materially modified the promises made in the disastrous year of 1813. The promised uniform regulation of Jewish affairs was time and again postponed. In the period between 1815 and 1847, no less than 21 territorial laws affecting Jews in the older eight provinces of the Prussian state were in effect, each having to be observed by part of the Jewish community. At that time, no official was authorized to speak in the name of all Prussian Jews, or Jewry in most of the other 41 German states, let alone for all German Jews.

Nevertheless, a few men came forward to promote their cause, foremost among them being Gabriel Riesser (d. 1863), a Jewish lawyer from Hamburg, who demanded full civic equality for his people. He won over public opinion to such an extent that this equality was granted in Prussia on 6 April 1848, in Hanover and Nassau on 5 September and on 12 December, respectively, and also in his home state of Hamburg, then home to the second-largest Jewish community in Germany.[31] In Württemberg, equality was conceded on 3 December 1861; in Baden on 4 October 1862; in Holstein on 14 July 1863; and in Saxony on 3 December 1868. After the establishment of the North German Confederation by the law of 3 July 1869, all remaining statutory restrictions imposed on the followers of different religions were abolished; this decree was extended to all the states of the German empire after the events of 1870.

The Jewish Enlightenment

Durante la Ilustración (desde el siglo XVII hasta finales del XVIII), muchas mujeres judías comenzaron a frecuentar salones no judíos y a luchar por su emancipación . En Europa Occidental y los estados alemanes, la observancia de la ley judía, la Halajá , empezó a descuidarse. En el siglo XVIII, algunos eruditos y líderes alemanes tradicionales, como el doctor y autor de Ma'aseh Tuviyyah , Tobias b. Moses Cohn , apreciaron la cultura secular. El rasgo más importante de esta época fue la Ilustración alemana , que contaba con figuras autóctonas que competían con los mejores escritores, eruditos e intelectuales de Europa Occidental. Más allá de las manifestaciones externas del idioma y la vestimenta, los judíos internalizaron las normas culturales e intelectuales de la sociedad alemana. Este movimiento, conocido como la Haskalá alemana o berlinesa, tuvo un impacto significativo en los desafíos de la sociedad alemana. Ya en la década de 1740, muchos judíos alemanes y algunos judíos polacos y lituanos, a título individual, deseaban recibir una educación laica .

La Ilustración judeoalemana de finales del siglo XVIII, la Haskalá , marca la transición política, social e intelectual del judaísmo europeo hacia la modernidad. Algunos miembros de la élite judía conocían lenguas europeas. Los gobiernos absolutistas de Alemania, Austria y Rusia privaron a los líderes de la comunidad judía de su autoridad, y muchos judíos se convirtieron en «judíos de la corte» . Aprovechando sus contactos con empresarios judíos para servir como contratistas militares, administradores de casas de moneda, fundadores de nuevas industrias y proveedores de piedras preciosas y vestimenta para la corte, brindaron asistencia económica a los gobernantes locales. Los judíos de la corte estaban protegidos por los gobernantes y actuaban como cualquier otro miembro de la sociedad en su forma de hablar, modales y conocimiento de la literatura e ideas europeas. Isaac Euchel , por ejemplo, representó a una nueva generación de judíos. Mantuvo un papel destacado en la Haskalá alemana y fue uno de los editores fundadores de Ha-Me/assef . Euchel tuvo contacto con las lenguas y la cultura europeas mientras vivía en centros prusianos: Berlín y Königsberg. Sus intereses se orientaron hacia la promoción de los intereses educativos de la Ilustración entre otros judíos. Moses Mendelssohn, otro pensador de la Ilustración, fue el primer judío en introducir la cultura secular entre quienes vivían una vida judía ortodoxa. Valoraba la razón y creía que cualquiera podía llegar lógicamente a las verdades religiosas, argumentando que lo que hace único al judaísmo es su revelación divina de un código legal. El compromiso de Mendelssohn con el judaísmo generó tensiones incluso con algunos de los que se adherían a la filosofía de la Ilustración. A los cristianos fieles, que se oponían menos a sus ideas racionalistas que a su adhesión al judaísmo, les resultó difícil aceptar a este judío de Berlín. En la mayor parte de Europa Occidental, la Haskalá terminó con la asimilación de un gran número de judíos. Muchos judíos dejaron de adherirse a la ley judía, y la lucha por la emancipación en Alemania despertó algunas dudas sobre el futuro de los judíos en Europa y, finalmente, condujo tanto a la inmigración a América como al sionismo .

En Rusia, el antisemitismo puso fin a la Haskalá . Algunos judíos respondieron a este antisemitismo haciendo campaña por la emancipación, mientras que otros se unieron a movimientos revolucionarios y se asimilaron, y algunos se volcaron al nacionalismo judío en la forma del movimiento sionista Hibbat Zion . [ 32 ]

Reorganización de la comunidad judía alemana

La sinagoga de Celle fue construida en 1740 y todavía está en uso.

Abraham Geiger y Samuel Holdheim fueron dos fundadores del movimiento conservador en el judaísmo moderno que aceptaron el espíritu moderno del liberalismo . Samson Raphael Hirsch defendió las costumbres tradicionales, negando el "espíritu" moderno. Ninguna de estas creencias fue seguida por los judíos fieles. Zecharias Frankel creó un movimiento de reforma moderado en colaboración con las comunidades alemanas. Se reorganizaron los cultos públicos, se redujeron las adiciones medievales a la oración, se introdujo el canto congregacional y se exigió que los sermones regulares fueran impartidos por rabinos con formación científica. El Estado impuso escuelas religiosas debido al deseo de incorporar una estructura religiosa a la educación secular de los niños judíos. La oratoria desde el púlpito comenzó a florecer principalmente gracias a predicadores alemanes, como M. Sachs y M. Joel. La música sinagogal fue aceptada con la ayuda de Louis Lewandowski . Parte de la evolución de la comunidad judía fue el cultivo de la literatura judía y la creación de asociaciones con maestros, rabinos y líderes de congregaciones.

Another vital part of the reorganization of the Jewish-German community was the heavy involvement of Jewish women in the community and their new tendencies to assimilate their families into a different lifestyle. Jewish women were contradicting their view points in the sense that they were modernizing, but they also tried to keep some traditions alive. German Jewish mothers were shifting the way they raised their children in ways such as moving their families out of Jewish neighborhoods, thus changing who Jewish children grew up around and conversed with, all in all shifting the dynamic of the then close-knit Jewish community. Additionally, Jewish mothers wished to integrate themselves and their families into German society in other ways.[33] Because of their mothers, Jewish children participated in walks around the neighborhood, sporting events, and other activities that would mold them into becoming more like their other German peers. For mothers to assimilate into German culture, they took pleasure in reading newspapers and magazines that focused on the fashion styles, as well as other trends that were up and coming for the time and that the Protestant, bourgeois Germans were exhibiting. Similar to this, German-Jewish mothers also urged their children to partake in music lessons, mainly because it was a popular activity among other Germans. Another effort German-Jewish mothers put into assimilating their families was enforcing the importance of manners on their children. It was noted that non-Jewish Germans saw Jews as disrespectful and unable to grasp the concept of time and place.[33] Because of this, Jewish mothers tried to raise their kids having even better manners than the Protestant children in an effort to combat the pre-existing stereotype put on their children. In addition, Jewish mothers put a large emphasis on proper education for their children in hopes that this would help them grow up to be more respected by their communities and eventually lead to prosperous careers. While Jewish mothers worked tirelessly on ensuring the assimilation of their families, they also attempted to keep the familial aspect of Jewish traditions. They began to look at Shabbat and holidays as less of culturally Jewish days, but more as family reunions of sorts. What was once viewed as a more religious event became more of a social gathering of relatives.[33]

Birth of the Reform Movement

The beginning of the Reform Movement in Judaism was emphasized by David Philipson, who was the rabbi at the largest Reform congregation. The increasing political centralization of the late 18th and early 19th centuries undermined the societal structure that perpetuated traditional Jewish life. Enlightenment ideas began to influence many intellectuals, and the resulting political, economic, and social changes were overpowering. Many Jews felt a tension between Jewish tradition and the way they were now leading their lives – religiously – resulting in less tradition. As the insular religious society that reinforced such observance disintegrated, falling away from vigilant observance without deliberately breaking with Judaism was easy. Some tried to reconcile their religious heritage with their new social surroundings; they reformed traditional Judaism to meet their new needs and to express their spiritual desires. A movement was formed with a set of religious beliefs, and practices that were considered expected and tradition. Reform Judaism was the first modern response to the Jew's emancipation, though reform Judaism differing in all countries caused stresses of autonomy on both the congregation and individual. Some of the reforms were in the practices: circumcisions were abandoned, rabbis wore vests after Protestant ministers, and instrumental accompaniment was used: pipe organs. In addition, the traditional Hebrew prayer book was replaced by German text, and reform synagogues began being called temples which were previously considered the Temple of Jerusalem. Reform communities composed of similar beliefs and Judaism changed at the same pace as the rest of society had. The Jewish people have adapted to religious beliefs and practices to the meet the needs of the Jewish people throughout the generation.[34]

1815–1918

"The Return of the Volunteer from the Wars of Liberation to His Family Still Living in Accordance with Old Customs", by Moritz Daniel Oppenheim
Map of the Hep-Hep riots in 1819 (German)

Napoleon I emancipated the Jews across Europe, but with Napoleon's fall in 1815, growing nationalism resulted in increasing repression. From August to October 1819, pogroms that came to be known as the Hep-Hep riots took place throughout Germany. Jewish property was destroyed in large number.

Durante este tiempo, muchos estados alemanes privaron a los judíos de sus derechos civiles. En la Ciudad Libre de Frankfurt , solo se permitía el matrimonio de 12 parejas judías al año, y los 400.000 florines que la comunidad judía de la ciudad había pagado en 1811 por su emancipación fueron confiscados. Después de que Renania volviera al control prusiano, los judíos perdieron los derechos que Napoleón les había otorgado, se les prohibió ejercer ciertas profesiones y los pocos que habían sido nombrados para cargos públicos antes de las guerras napoleónicas fueron destituidos. [ 35 ] En numerosos estados alemanes, se restringieron los derechos de los judíos a trabajar, establecerse y casarse. Sin cartas de protección especiales, los judíos tenían prohibido ejercer muchas profesiones diferentes y, a menudo, tenían que recurrir a trabajos considerados poco respetables, como la venta ambulante o el comercio de ganado, para sobrevivir. Un hombre judío que quería casarse tenía que comprar un certificado de registro, conocido como Matrikel , que demostraba que ejercía un oficio o profesión "respetable". Un Matrikel , que podía costar hasta 1000 florines, generalmente estaba reservado para los primogénitos varones. [ 36 ] Como resultado, la mayoría de los hombres judíos no podían casarse legalmente. En toda Alemania, los judíos estaban sujetos a fuertes impuestos y, en ocasiones, eran discriminados por artesanos gentiles.

Como resultado, muchos judíos alemanes comenzaron a emigrar. La emigración fue alentada por periódicos judeoalemanes. [ 36 ] Al principio, la mayoría de los emigrantes eran hombres jóvenes y solteros de pueblos y aldeas pequeñas. Un número menor de mujeres solteras también emigró. Algunos miembros de las familias emigraban solos y luego enviaban a buscar a otros familiares una vez que habían ganado suficiente dinero. La emigración finalmente aumentó, y algunas comunidades judías alemanas perdieron hasta el 70% de sus miembros. En un momento dado, un periódico judeoalemán informó que todos los jóvenes judíos de las ciudades franconas de Hagenbach , Ottingen y Warnbach habían emigrado o estaban a punto de emigrar. [ 36 ] Estados Unidos fue el principal destino de los judíos alemanes que emigraron.

The Revolutions of 1848 swung the pendulum back towards freedom for the Jews. A noted reform rabbi of that time was Leopold Zunz, a contemporary and friend of Heinrich Heine. In 1871, with the unification of Germany by Chancellor Otto von Bismarck, came their emancipation, but the growing mood of despair among assimilated Jews was reinforced by the antisemitic penetrations of politics. In the 1870s, antisemitism was fueled by the financial crisis and scandals; in the 1880s by the arrival of masses of Ostjuden, fleeing from Russian territories; by the 1890s it was a parliamentary presence, threatening anti-Jewish laws. In 1879 the Hamburg pamphleteer Wilhelm Marr introduced the term 'antisemitism' into the political vocabulary by founding the Antisemitic League.[37] Antisemites of the völkisch movement were the first to describe themselves as such, because they viewed Jews as part of a Semitic race that could never be properly assimilated into German society. Such was the ferocity of the anti-Jewish feeling of the völkisch movement that by 1900, antisemitic had entered German to describe anyone who had anti-Jewish feelings. However, despite massive protests and petitions, the völkisch movement failed to persuade the government to revoke Jewish emancipation, and in the 1912 Reichstag elections, the parties with völkisch-movement sympathies suffered a temporary defeat.

1890: Gustav Ermann, a Jewish soldier in the German Kaiser's army, born in Saarbrücken

Jews experienced a period of legal equality after 1848. Baden and Württemberg passed the legislation that gave the Jews complete equality before the law in 1861–64. The newly formed German Empire did the same in 1871.[38] Historian Fritz Stern concludes that by 1900, what had emerged was a Jewish-German symbiosis, where German Jews had merged elements of German and Jewish culture into a unique new one. Marriages between Jews and non-Jews became somewhat common from the 19th century; for example, the wife of German Chancellor Gustav Stresemann was Jewish. However, opportunity for high appointments in the military, the diplomatic service, judiciary or senior bureaucracy was very small.[39] Some historians believe that with emancipation the Jewish people lost their roots in their culture and began only using German culture. However, other historians including Marion A. Kaplan, argue that it was the opposite and Jewish women were the initiators of balancing both Jewish and German culture during Imperial Germany.[40] Jewish women played a key role in keeping the Jewish communities in tune with the changing society that was evoked by the Jews being emancipated. Jewish women were the catalyst of modernization within the Jewish community. The years 1870–1918 marked the shift in the women's role in society. Their job in the past had been housekeeping and raising children. Now, however, they began to contribute to the home financially. Jewish mothers were the only tool families had to linking Judaism with German culture. They felt it was their job to raise children that would fit in with bourgeois Germany. Women had to balance enforcing German traditions while also preserving Jewish traditions. Women were in charge of keeping kosher and the Sabbath; as well as, teaching their children German speech and dressing them in German clothing. Jewish women attempted to create an exterior presence of German while maintaining the Jewish lifestyle inside their homes.[40]

During the history of the German Empire, there were various divisions within the German Jewish community over its future; in religious terms, Orthodox Jews sought to keep to Jewish religious tradition, while liberal Jews sought to "modernise" their communities by shifting from liturgical traditions to organ music and German-language prayers.

Muchos inmigrantes viajaron a través de Alemania camino a otros países. Al estallar la Primera Guerra Mundial, cinco millones de emigrantes rusos habían pasado por territorio alemán. Alrededor de dos millones de judíos cruzaron la frontera oriental de Alemania entre 1880 y 1914, y unos 78.000 permanecieron en Alemania. [ 41 ]

La población judía creció de 512.000 en 1871 a 615.000 en 1910, incluyendo 79.000 inmigrantes recientes de Rusia, poco menos del uno por ciento del total. Alrededor de 15.000 judíos se convirtieron al cristianismo entre 1871 y 1909. [ 42 ] La actitud típica de los liberales alemanes hacia los judíos era que estaban en Alemania para quedarse y eran capaces de asimilarse; el antropólogo y político Rudolf Virchow resumió esta postura diciendo: «Los judíos simplemente están aquí. No se les puede matar». Sin embargo, esta postura no toleraba las diferencias culturales entre judíos y no judíos, abogando en cambio por eliminar esta diferencia. [ 43 ]

Primera Guerra Mundial

Un folleto publicado en 1920 por la Reichsbund jüdischer Frontsoldaten (organización de veteranos judíos alemanes) en respuesta a las acusaciones de falta de patriotismo: Inscripción en la tumba: "12.000 soldados judíos murieron en el campo de batalla por la patria".

Un porcentaje mayor de judíos alemanes luchó en la Primera Guerra Mundial que cualquier otra minoría étnica, religiosa o política en Alemania; alrededor de 12.000 murieron en los combates. [ 44 ] [ 45 ]

Muchos judíos alemanes apoyaron la guerra por patriotismo; al igual que muchos alemanes, consideraban que las acciones de Alemania eran defensivas, e incluso los judíos liberales de izquierda creían que Alemania respondía a las acciones de otros países, en particular Rusia. Para muchos judíos, apoyar a Alemania era algo que daban por sentado. El hecho de que el enemigo fuera Rusia también constituía una razón adicional para que los judíos alemanes apoyaran la guerra; la Rusia zarista era vista como la opresora por sus pogromos , y para muchos judíos alemanes, la guerra contra Rusia se convertiría en una especie de guerra santa . Si bien existía en parte un deseo de venganza, para muchos judíos era igualmente importante asegurar que la población judía de Rusia se salvara de una vida de servidumbre; una publicación judeoalemana afirmaba: «Luchamos para proteger nuestra patria sagrada, para rescatar la cultura europea y para liberar a nuestros hermanos del este». [ 46 ] [ 47 ] El fervor bélico era tan común entre las comunidades judías como entre las de origen alemán. La principal organización judía en Alemania, la Asociación Central de Ciudadanos Alemanes de Fe Judía, declaró su apoyo incondicional a la guerra y, cuando el káiser declaró el 5 de agosto día de oración patriótica, las sinagogas de toda Alemania se llenaron de visitantes y resonaron con oraciones patrióticas y discursos nacionalistas. [ 48 ]

Willi Ermann de Saarbrücken , soldado judío alemán en la Primera Guerra Mundial : Ermann fue asesinado en Auschwitz en el Holocausto . [ 49 ]

While going to war brought the unsavoury prospect of fighting fellow Jews in Russia, France and Britain, for the majority of Jews this severing of ties with Jewish communities in the Entente was accepted part of their spiritual mobilisation for war. After all, the conflict also pitted German Catholics and Protestants against their fellow believers in the east and west. Indeed, for some Jews the fact that Jews were going to war with one another was proof of the normality of German-Jewish life; they could no longer be considered a minority with transnational loyalties but loyal German citizens. German Jews often broke ties with Jews of other countries; the Alliance Israélite Universelle, a French organisation that was dedicated to protecting Jewish rights, saw a German Jewish member quit once the war started, declaring that he could not, as a German, belong to a society that was under French leadership.[50] German Jews supported German colonial ambitions in Africa and Eastern Europe, out of the desire to increase German power and to rescue Eastern European Jews from Tsarist rule. The eastern advance became important for German Jews because it combined German military superiority with rescuing Eastern Jews from Russian brutality; Russian antisemitism and pogroms had only worsened as the war dragged on.[51][52] However, German Jews did not always feel a personal kinship with Russian Jews. Many were repelled by Eastern Jews, who dressed and behaved differently, as well as being much more religiously devout. Victor Klemperer, a German Jew working for military censors, stated "No, I did not belong to these people, even if one proved my blood relation to them a hundred times over...I belonged to Europe, to Germany, and I thanked my creator that I was German."[53] This was a common attitude amongst ethnic Germans however; during the invasion of Russia the territories the Germans overran seemed backwards and primitive, thus for many Germans their experiences in Russia simply reinforced their national self-concept.[54]

The headstones of the fallen Jewish soldiers who fought for Germany in World War I were removed during World War II, and were later replaced. This cemetery is in northern France.

Prominent Jewish industrialists and bankers, such as Walther Rathenau and Max Warburg played major roles in supervising the German war economy.

In October 1916, the German Military High Command administered the Judenzählung (census of Jews). Designed to confirm accusations of the lack of patriotism among German Jews, the census disproved the charges, but its results were not made public.[55] Denounced as a "statistical monstrosity",[56] the census was a catalyst to intensified antisemitism and social myths such as the "stab-in-the-back myth" (Dolchstoßlegende).[57] For many Jews, the fact the census was carried out at all caused a sense of betrayal, as German Jews had taken part in the violence, food shortages, nationalist sentiment and misery of attrition alongside their fellow Germans, however most German-Jewish soldiers carried on dutifully to the bitter end.[51]

When strikes broke out in Germany towards the end of the war, some Jews supported them. However, the majority of Jews had little sympathy for the strikers and one Jewish newspaper accused the strikers of "stabbing the frontline army in the back." Like many Germans, German Jews would lament the Treaty of Versailles.[51]

Weimar years, 1919–33

Under the Weimar Republic, 1919–1933, German Jews played a major role in politics and diplomacy for the first time in their history, and they strengthened their position in financial, economic, and cultural affairs.[58][59]Hugo Preuß was Interior Minister under the first post-imperial regime and wrote the first draft of the liberal Weimar Constitution.[60]Walther Rathenau, chairman of the General Electricity Company (AEG), served as foreign minister in 1922, when he negotiated the important Treaty of Rapallo. He was assassinated two months later.[61]

In 1914, Jews were well-represented among the wealthy, including 23.7 percent of the 800 richest individuals in Prussia, and eight percent of the university students.[62] Jewish businesses, however, no longer had the economic prominence they had in previous decades.[63] The Jewish middle class suffered increasing economic deprivation, and by 1930 a quarter of the German Jewish community had to be supported through community welfare programs.[63] Germany's Jewish community was also highly urbanized, with 80 percent living in cities.[64]

Antisemitism

Austrian postcard published in 1919, depicting the legend of Jewish betrayal during WWI

There was sporadic antisemitism based on the false allegation that wartime Germany had been betrayed by an enemy within. There was some violence against German Jews in the early years of the Weimar Republic, and it was led by the paramilitary Freikorps. The Protocols of the Elders of Zion (1920), a forgery which claimed that Jews were taking over the world, was widely circulated. The second half of the 1920s were prosperous, and antisemitism was much less noticeable. When the Great Depression hit in 1929, it surged again as Adolf Hitler and his Nazi party promoted a virulent strain.

Author Jay Howard Geller says that four possible responses were available to the German Jewish community. The majority of German Jews were only nominally religious and they saw their Jewish identity as only one of several identities; they opted for bourgeois liberalism and assimilation into all phases of German culture. A second group (especially recent migrants from eastern Europe) embraced Judaism and Zionism. A third group of left-wing elements endorsed the universalism of Marxism, which downplayed ethnicity and antisemitism. A fourth group contained some who embraced hardcore German nationalism and minimized or hid their Jewish heritage. When the Nazis came to power in 1933, a fifth option was seized upon by hundreds of thousands: escape into exile, typically at the cost of leaving all wealth behind.[65]

The German legal system generally treated Jews fairly throughout the period.[66] The Centralverein, the major organization of German Jewry, used the court system to vigorously defend Jewry against antisemitic attacks across Germany; it proved generally successful.[67]

Intellectuals

Heidelberg University was considered to be one of the most eminent institutions of Jewish-German learning.

Los intelectuales y profesionales creativos judíos figuraron entre las personalidades más destacadas de la cultura de Weimar. En 1918, las facultades universitarias alemanas abrieron sus puertas a los académicos judíos. Entre los intelectuales judíos más importantes del profesorado universitario se encontraban el físico Albert Einstein ; los sociólogos Karl Mannheim , Erich Fromm , Theodor Adorno , Max Horkheimer y Herbert Marcuse ; los filósofos Ernst Cassirer y Edmund Husserl ; el teórico político comunista Arthur Rosenberg ; el sexólogo y pionero defensor de los derechos LGBT , Magnus Hirschfeld , y muchos otros. Diecisiete ciudadanos alemanes recibieron el Premio Nobel durante la República de Weimar (1919-1933), cinco de ellos científicos judíos. La revista literaria judeoalemana Der Morgen se fundó en 1925. Publicó ensayos y relatos de destacados escritores judíos como Franz Kafka y Leo Hirsch hasta su liquidación por el gobierno nazi en 1938. [ 68 ] [ 69 ]

Bajo el régimen nazi (1933–1945)

In Germany, according to historian Hans Mommsen, there were three types of antisemitism. In a 1997 interview, Mommsen was quoted as saying:

One should differentiate between the cultural antisemitism symptomatic of the German conservatives—found especially in the German officer corps and the high civil administration—and mainly directed against the Eastern Jews on the one hand, and völkisch antisemitism on the other. The conservative variety functions, as Shulamit Volkov has pointed out, as something of a "cultural code." This variety of German antisemitism later on played a significant role insofar as it prevented the functional elite from distancing itself from the repercussions of racial antisemitism. Thus, there was almost no relevant protest against the Jewish persecution on the part of the generals or the leading groups within the Reich government. This is especially true with respect to Hitler's proclamation of the "racial annihilation war" against the Soviet Union. Besides conservative antisemitism, there existed in Germany a rather silent anti-Judaism within the Catholic Church, which had a certain impact on immunizing the Catholic population against the escalating persecution. The famous protest of the Catholic Church against the euthanasia program was, therefore, not accompanied by any protest against the Holocaust. The third and most vitriolic variety of antisemitism in Germany (and elsewhere) is the so-called völkisch antisemitism or racism, and this is the foremost advocate of using violence.[70]

In 1933, persecution of the Jews became an active Nazi policy, but at first laws were not as rigorously obeyed or as devastating as in later years. Such clauses, known as Aryan paragraphs, had been postulated previously by antisemitism and enacted in many private organizations.

The boycott of 1 April 1933

The continuing and exacerbating abuse of Jews in Germany triggered calls throughout March 1933 by Jewish leaders around the world for a boycott of German products. The Nazis responded with further bans and boycotts against Jewish doctors, shops, lawyers and stores. Only six days later, the Law for the Restoration of the Professional Civil Service was passed, banning Jews from being employed in government. This law meant that Jews were now indirectly and directly dissuaded or banned from privileged and upper-level positions reserved for "Aryan" Germans. From then on, Jews were forced to work at more menial positions, beneath non-Jews, pushing them to more labored positions.

The Civil Service Law reached immediately into the education system because university professors, for example, were civil servants. While the majority of the German intellectual classes were not thoroughgoing National Socialists,[71] academia had been suffused with a "cultured antisemitism" since imperial times, even more so during Weimar.[72] With the majority of non-Jewish professors holding such feelings about Jews, coupled with how the Nazis' outwardly appeared in the period during and after the seizure of power, there was little motivation to oppose the anti-Jewish measures being enacted—few did, and many were actively in favor.[73] According to a German professor of the history of mathematics, "There is no doubt that most of the German mathematicians who were members of the professional organizationcollaborated with the Nazis, and did nothing to save or help their Jewish colleagues."[74] "German physicians were highly Nazified, compared to other professionals, in terms of party membership," observed Raul Hilberg[75] and some even carried out experiments on human beings at places like Auschwitz.[76]

Taken in March 1933, immediately after the Nazis seized power, this photo shows Nazi SA militants forcing a Jewish lawyer to walk barefoot through the streets of Munich wearing a sign that says "I will never again complain to the police"

On 2 August 1934, President Paul von Hindenburg died. No new president was appointed. Instead, the functions and ceremony of the presidency were merged with that of the chancellor, making Hitler, as Führer, both head of state and head of government. This power consolidation, and a lame-duck Reichstag with no true opposition parties, gave Adolf Hitlertotalitarian control of law-making. The army also swore an oath of loyalty personally to Hitler, giving him absolute power over the military; this position allowed him to enforce his antisemitic beliefs further by creating more state pressure on the Jews than ever before.

En 1935 y 1936, la persecución contra los judíos se intensificó. En mayo de 1935, se prohibió a los judíos unirse a la Wehrmacht (Fuerzas Armadas), y ese mismo año, apareció propaganda antisemita en tiendas y restaurantes de la Alemania nazi. Las Leyes de Pureza Racial de Núremberg se aprobaron en torno a la época de los mítines nazis de Núremberg; el 15 de septiembre de 1935, se promulgó la Ley para la Protección de la Sangre y el Honor Alemanes , que prohibía las relaciones sexuales y los matrimonios entre arios y judíos . Al mismo tiempo, se aprobó la Ley de Ciudadanía del Reich , que se reforzó en noviembre mediante un decreto que establecía que todos los judíos, incluso los de ascendencia judía parcial o total, ya no eran ciudadanos ( Reichsbürger ) de su propio país. Su estatus oficial pasó a ser Reichsangehöriger , «súbdito del Estado». Esto significaba que carecían de derechos civiles básicos, como el derecho al voto, aunque las elecciones en Alemania en ese momento eran una farsa total, donde los votantes solo podían votar por candidatos nazis y "aprobar" decretos establecidos por el régimen. Esta eliminación de los derechos básicos de los ciudadanos anticipó leyes y proscripciones aún más severas contra los judíos. La redacción de las Leyes de Núremberg se atribuye a menudo a Hans Globke .

En 1936, se prohibió a los judíos ejercer cualquier profesión, impidiéndoles así cualquier influencia en la educación, la política, la enseñanza superior y los negocios. Por ello, nada pudo frenar las acciones antisemitas que se extendieron por toda la economía de la Alemania nazi.

Tras la Noche de los Cuchillos Largos , las Schutzstaffel (SS) se convirtieron en la principal fuerza policial de Alemania. El Reichsführer-SS Heinrich Himmler , un virulento antisemita y ferviente ejecutor de la política antisemita del régimen, logró un monopolio casi total de las funciones de seguridad y aplicación de la ley en la Alemania nazi en 1936. Dado que las SS habían comenzado como la guardia personal de Hitler, sus miembros eran mucho más leales y disciplinados que los de las Sturmabteilung (SA). Por ello, también contaban con el apoyo, aunque la desconfianza, de la Wehrmacht, que ahora estaba más dispuesta a someterse a los decretos de Hitler que cuando las SA eran la fuerza dominante. Todo esto permitió a Hitler un control más directo sobre el gobierno y la actitud política hacia los judíos en la Alemania nazi. En 1937 y 1938, se implementaron nuevas leyes y se inició la segregación de los judíos de la población alemana considerada "aria". En particular, los judíos fueron penalizados económicamente por su supuesta condición racial.

Los pasaportes de judíos alemanes podían utilizarse para salir del país, pero no para regresar.

El 4 de junio de 1937, dos jóvenes judíos alemanes, Helmut Hirsch e Isaac Utting, fueron ejecutados por su participación en un complot para bombardear la sede del partido nazi en Núremberg.

As of 1 March 1938, government contracts could no longer be awarded to Jewish businesses. On 30 September, "Aryan" doctors could only treat "Aryan" patients. Provision of medical care to Jews was already hampered by the fact that Jews were banned from being doctors or having any professional jobs.

Beginning 17 August 1938, Jews with first names of non-Jewish origin had to add Israel (males) or Sarah (females) to their names, and a large J was to be imprinted on their passports beginning 5 October.[77] On 15 November Jewish children were banned from going to normal schools. By April 1939, nearly all Jewish companies had either collapsed under financial pressure and declining profits, or had been forced to sell out to the Nazi German government. This further reduced Jews' rights as human beings. They were in many ways officially separated from the German population.

Synagogue at Nuremberg, c. 1890–1900. The structure was destroyed in 1938.

The increasingly totalitarian, militaristic regime which was being imposed on Germany by Hitler allowed him to control the actions of the SS and the military. On 7 November 1938, a young Polish Jew, Herschel Grynszpan, attacked and shot two German officials in the Nazi German embassy in Paris. (Grynszpan was angry about the treatment of his parents by the Nazis.) On 9 November the German Attache, Ernst vom Rath, who had been shot by Grynszpan, died. Joseph Goebbels issued instructions that demonstrations against Jews were to be organized and undertaken in retaliation throughout Germany. On 10 November 1938, Reinhard Heydrich ordered the state police and the Sturmabteilung (SA) to destroy Jewish property and arrest as many Jews as possible in what became known as the Night of Broken Glass (Kristallnacht).[78] The storefronts of Jewish shops and offices were smashed and vandalized, and many synagogues were destroyed by fire. Approximately 91 Jews were killed, and another 30,000 arrested, mostly able bodied males, all of whom were sent to the newly formed concentration camps. In the following 3 months some 2,000–2,500 of them died in the concentration camps, the rest were released under the condition that they leave Germany. Many Germans were disgusted by this action when the full extent of the damage was discovered, so Hitler ordered that it be blamed on the Jews. The Nazis announced the "Jewish Capital Levy" (German: Judenvermögensabgabe), a one billion Reichsmark tax (equivalent to US$4.1 billion in 2024). Any Jews owning assets exceeding 5,000 ℛ︁ℳ︁ had to surrender 20% of those assets.[79] The Jews also had to repair all damages at their own cost.

Jews emigrating from Berlin to the United States, 1939

Increasing antisemitism prompted a wave of Jewish mass emigration from Germany throughout the 1930s. Among the first wave were intellectuals, politically active individuals, and Zionists. However, as Nazi legislation worsened the Jews' situation, more Jews wished to leave Germany, with a panicked rush in the months after Kristallnacht in 1938.

El Mandato Británico de Palestina fue un destino popular para la emigración de judíos alemanes. Poco después del ascenso de los nazis al poder en 1933, negociaron el Acuerdo de Haavara con las autoridades sionistas en Palestina , que se firmó el 25 de agosto de 1933. Según sus términos, se permitiría la emigración de 60.000 judíos alemanes a Palestina. [ 80 ] Durante la Quinta Aliyá , entre 1929 y 1939, un total de 250.000 inmigrantes judíos llegaron a Palestina, más de 55.000 de ellos procedentes de Alemania, Austria o Bohemia. Muchos de ellos eran médicos, abogados, ingenieros, arquitectos y otros profesionales, que contribuyeron enormemente al desarrollo del Yishuv .

Estados Unidos fue otro destino para los judíos alemanes que buscaban abandonar el país, aunque el número de inmigrantes permitidos estaba restringido por la Ley de Inmigración de 1924. Entre 1933 y 1939, más de 300.000 alemanes, de los cuales aproximadamente el 90% eran judíos, solicitaron visas de inmigración para Estados Unidos . Para 1940, solo 90.000 judíos alemanes habían obtenido visas y se les había permitido establecerse en Estados Unidos. Unos 100.000 judíos alemanes también se trasladaron a países de Europa Occidental , especialmente Francia , Bélgica y los Países Bajos . Sin embargo, estos países serían posteriormente ocupados por Alemania, y la mayoría de ellos serían víctimas del Holocausto . Otros 48.000 emigraron al Reino Unido y otros países europeos. [ 81 ] [ 82 ]

El Holocausto en Alemania

Judíos deportados de Würzburg al distrito de Lublin de la Polonia ocupada , 25 de abril de 1942.

Overall, of the 522,000 Jews living in Germany in January 1933, approximately 304,000 emigrated during the first six years of Nazi rule and about 214,000 were left on the eve of World War II. Of these, 160,000–180,000 were killed as a part of the Holocaust. Those that remained in Germany went into hiding and did everything they could to survive. Commonly referred to as "dashers and divers," the Jews lived a submerged life and experienced the struggle to find food, a relatively secure hiding space or shelter, and false identity papers while constantly evading Nazi police and strategically avoiding checkpoints. Non-Jews offered support by allowing the Jews to hide in their homes but when this proved to be too dangerous for both parties, the Jews were forced to seek shelter in more exposed locations including the street. Some Jews were able to attain false papers, despite the risks and sacrifice of resources doing so required. A reliable false ID would cost between 2,000RM and 6,000RM depending on where it came from. Some Jews in Berlin looked to the Black Market to get false papers as this was a most sought-after product following food, tobacco, and clothing. Certain forms of ID were soon deemed unacceptable, leaving the Jews with depleted resources and vulnerable to being arrested. Avoiding arrest was particularly challenging in 1943 as the Nazi police increased their personnel and inspection checkpoints, leading to 65 percent of all submerged Jews being detained and likely deported.[83] On 19 May 1943, only about 20,000 Jews remained and Germany was declared judenrein (clean of Jews; also judenfrei: free of Jews).[9]

Persistence of antisemitism

During the medieval period, antisemitism flourished in Germany. Especially during the Black Death, which lasted from 1348 to 1350, hatred and violence against Jews increased. Approximately 72% of towns with Jewish populations were subjected to violent attacks.

Regions that were subjected to the Black Death pogroms were 6 times more likely to be subjected to antisemitic violence during the 1920s, racist and fascist political parties like the DNVP, NSDAP and the DVFP gained a voting share that 1.5 times higher than the voting share which other political parties gained during the 1928 election, their inhabitants wrote more letters to antisemitic newspapers like "Der Stürmer", and they deported more Jews during Nazi rule. This situation was due to the cultural transmission of antisemitism.[84]

Según un estudio realizado por Nico Voigtländer y Hans-Joachim Voth, los alemanes que crecieron durante el régimen nazi son significativamente más antisemitas que los nacidos antes o después. Además, Voigtländer y Voth descubrieron que el adoctrinamiento antisemita nazi fue más efectivo en áreas donde el antisemitismo ya existía y estaba muy extendido. [ 85 ]

Bisin y Verdier desarrollaron un modelo sencillo de transmisión cultural en relación con la persistencia de actitudes antisemitas, en el que afirman que los niños adquieren sus esquemas de preferencias imitando a sus padres, quienes intentan socializar a sus hijos de acuerdo con sus propias preferencias, sin determinar si estos rasgos son útiles o inútiles. [ 86 ]

Los factores económicos tenían el potencial de socavar la persistencia de estos rasgos a lo largo de los siglos. El odio hacia los forasteros resultaba más costoso para las organizaciones comerciales que operaban en ciudades con libre comercio, como los miembros de la Liga Hanseática . Las ciudades que crecieron a un ritmo más rápido experimentaron una disminución en la persistencia de actitudes antisemitas; esta situación pudo deberse a que la apertura comercial se asociaba con un mayor éxito económico y, por lo tanto, con mayores tasas de migración en estas regiones. [ 84 ]

Desde 1945 hasta la reunificación

Cuando el Ejército Rojo tomó Berlín a finales de abril de 1945, solo 8.000 judíos permanecieron en la ciudad, todos ellos estaban escondidos o casados ​​con no judíos. [ 87 ] [ 88 ] La mayoría de los judíos alemanes que sobrevivieron a la guerra en el exilio decidieron permanecer en el extranjero; sin embargo, un pequeño número regresó a Alemania. Además, aproximadamente 15.000 judíos alemanes sobrevivieron a los campos de concentración o sobrevivieron escondiéndose. A estos judíos alemanes se unieron aproximadamente 200.000 personas desplazadas (PD) , sobrevivientes judíos del Holocausto de Europa del Este. Llegaron a la Alemania occidental ocupada por los Aliados después de no encontrar hogares para ellos en Europa del Este o después de haber sido liberados en suelo alemán. La inmensa mayoría de las PD deseaba emigrar a la Palestina del Mandato Británico y vivía en campos de personas desplazadas administrados por los Aliados y la UNRRA , permaneciendo aislados de la sociedad alemana. Cuando Israel se independizó en 1948, la mayoría de las PD judías europeas partieron hacia el nuevo estado; Sin embargo, entre 10.000 y 15.000 judíos decidieron reasentarse en Alemania. A pesar de las dudas y de una larga historia de antagonismo entre los judíos alemanes ( Yekkes ) y los judíos de Europa del Este ( Ostjuden ), ambos grupos, tan dispares, se unieron para formar la base de una nueva comunidad judía. En 1950 fundaron su organización representativa unitaria, el Consejo Central de Judíos en Alemania . El Consejo Central actuó como sucesor de la anterior Deutsch-Israelitischer Gemeindebund , que había sido disuelta por los nazis.

Judíos de Alemania Occidental

From the 1950s to the 1970s, the Jewish community of West Germany was characterized by its social conservatism and its generally private nature. Although there were Jewish elementary schools in West Berlin, Frankfurt, and Munich, the community had a very high average age. Few young adults chose to remain in Germany, and many of those who did married non-Jews. Many critics of the community and its leadership accused it of ossification. In the 1980s, a college for Jewish studies was established in Heidelberg; however, a disproportionate number of its students were not Jewish. By 1990, the community numbered between 30,000 and 40,000. Although the Jewish community of Germany did not have the same impact as the pre-1933 community, some Jews were prominent in German public life, including Hamburg mayor Herbert Weichmann; Schleswig-Holstein Minister of Justice (and Deputy Chief Justice of the Federal Constitutional Court) Rudolf Katz; Hesse Attorney General Fritz Bauer; former Hesse Minister of Economics Heinz-Herbert Karry; West Berlin politician Jeanette Wolff; television personalities Hugo Egon Balder, Hans Rosenthal, Ilja Richter, Inge Meysel, and Michel Friedman; Jewish communal leaders Heinz Galinski, Ignatz Bubis, Paul Spiegel, and Charlotte Knobloch (see: Central Council of Jews in Germany), film score composer Hans Zimmer, and Germany's most influential literary critic, Marcel Reich-Ranicki.

Jews of East Germany

The Jewish community of communist East Germany only numbered a few hundred active members. Most of the Jews who settled in East Germany did so because their pre-1933 homes had been there or because they had been politically active leftists before the Nazi seizure of power and, after 1945, they wished to establish an anti-fascist, socialist Germany. Most of these politically active Jews were not religious nor were they active members of the official Jewish community. They included writers such as Anna Seghers, Stefan Heym, Stephan Hermlin, Jurek Becker, Stasi Colonel General Markus Wolf, singer Lin Jaldati, composer Hanns Eisler, and politician Gregor Gysi. However, from the 1950s to early 1980s, the State Security Service (the Stasi) persecuted the surviving small Jewish communities in East Germany. This persecution was in keeping with the treatment of religious groups in general, which were frequently persecuted because their belief systems were considered contrary to socialist values and their contact with the West made them a potential threat to the security of the state. Hostility was also espoused by the media. Jewish community leaders criticized the media for "provoking popular anti-semitism by the negative portrayal of Israel and Jews".[89] According to the historian Mike Dennis, 'Already decimated by the Holocaust, East German Jewry reeled from the shock of the SED's (Socialist Unity Party of Germany) antisemitic campaigns.'[90] Persecution methods ranged from the more brutal repression methods found in the Stalinist era of the 1940s and 50s, to the more subtle decomposition methods which were utilised extensively in the 70s and 80s. In the 1980s there was a reprieve, in general, of such persecution and the previous antisemitism was markedly changed with an attempt to "reinvigorate Jewish culture".[91] Economic and political pragmatism drove this change: the socialist leadership was keen to promote East Germany as an anti-fascist state; improve its legitimacy domestically and internationally; and due to their increasingly precarious economic situation, to build bridges with the US especially in a bid to secure more favourable trading terms and to stabilise the economy.[92] Many East German Jews emigrated to Israel in the 1970s.

In reunited Germany (post-1990)

El fin de la Guerra Fría contribuyó al crecimiento de la comunidad judía de Alemania. Un paso importante para el renacimiento de la vida judía en Alemania ocurrió en 1990 cuando Helmut Kohl se reunió con Heinz Galinski para permitir que los judíos de la antigua Unión Soviética emigraran a Alemania, lo que llevó a una gran emigración judía. [ 97 ] Alemania alberga una población judía nominal de más de 200 000 (aunque esta cifra refleja a los cónyuges o hijos no judíos que también inmigraron bajo la Ley de Cuotas de Refugiados); alrededor de 100 000 están registrados oficialmente en comunidades religiosas judías. [ 98 ] El tamaño de la comunidad judía en Berlín se estima en 120 000 personas, o el 60 % de la población judía total de Alemania. [ 99 ] Hoy en día, entre el 80 y el 90 por ciento de los judíos en Alemania son inmigrantes de habla rusa de la antigua Unión Soviética . [ 100 ] [ 101 ] Muchos israelíes también se mudan a Alemania, particularmente a Berlín , por su ambiente relajado y bajo costo de vida. Olim L'Berlin , un clon de Facebook que pedía a los israelíes que emigraran a Berlín, ganó notoriedad en 2014. [ 102 ] Algunos finalmente regresan a Israel después de un período de residencia en Alemania. [ 103 ] También hay un puñado de familias judías de países de mayoría musulmana, incluidos Irán , Turquía , Marruecos y Afganistán . Alemania tiene la tercera población judía más grande de Europa Occidental después de Francia (600 000) y Gran Bretaña (300 000) [ 104 ] y la población judía de más rápido crecimiento en Europa en los últimos años. La afluencia de inmigrantes, muchos de ellos buscando un contacto renovado con su herencia asquenazí , ha llevado a un renacimiento de la vida judía en Alemania. En 1996, Chabad -Lubavitch de Berlín abrió un centro. En 2003, Chabad-Lubavitch de Berlín ordenó a 10 rabinos, los primeros rabinos ordenados en Alemania desde la Segunda Guerra Mundial. [ 105 ] En 2002 se fundó en Potsdam un seminario rabínico reformista, el Colegio Abraham Geiger . En 2006, el colegio anunció que ordenaría a tres nuevos rabinos, los primeros rabinos reformistas ordenados en Alemania desde 1942. [ 106 ]

Debido en parte a las profundas similitudes entre el yiddish y el alemán, los estudios judíos se han convertido en un campo de estudio académico popular, y muchas universidades alemanas cuentan con departamentos o institutos de estudios, cultura o historia judía. Han surgido comunidades religiosas judías activas en toda Alemania, incluso en muchas ciudades donde las comunidades anteriores ya no existían o estaban en decadencia. Varias ciudades alemanas cuentan con escuelas judías de día, establecimientos kosher y otras instituciones judías además de las sinagogas. Asimismo, muchos judíos rusos se sentían alejados de su herencia judía y poco familiarizados o incómodos con la religión. El judaísmo reformista de estilo estadounidense (que se originó en Alemania ) ha resurgido en Alemania, liderado por la Unión de Judíos Progresistas de Alemania , a pesar de que el Consejo Central de Judíos de Alemania y la mayoría de las comunidades judías locales se adhieren oficialmente a la ortodoxia.

Menorá pública en Karlsruhe

El 27 de enero de 2003, el entonces canciller alemán Gerhard Schröder firmó el primer acuerdo a nivel federal con el Consejo Central, otorgando al judaísmo el mismo estatus legal elevado y semiestablecido en Alemania que a la Iglesia Católica Romana y a la Iglesia Protestante , al menos desde la Ley Fundamental de la República Federal de Alemania de 1949.

En Alemania, negar el Holocausto o el asesinato de seis millones de judíos durante el Holocausto es un delito (§ 130 StGB); las infracciones pueden castigarse con hasta cinco años de prisión. [ 11 ] En 2007, el Ministro del Interior de Alemania, Wolfgang Schäuble , señaló la política oficial de Alemania: «No toleraremos ninguna forma de extremismo, xenofobia o antisemitismo». [ 12 ] Aunque el número de grupos y organizaciones de derecha aumentó de 141 (2001) [ 107 ] a 182 (2006), [ 108 ] especialmente en la antigua Alemania Oriental comunista, [ 12 ] [ 109 ] [ 110 ] las medidas de Alemania contra los grupos de derecha y el antisemitismo son efectivas: según los informes anuales de la Oficina Federal para la Protección de la Constitución, el número total de extremistas de ultraderecha en Alemania ha disminuido en los últimos años de 49.700 (2001), [ 107 ] 45.000 (2002), [ 107 ] 41.500 (2003), [ 107 ] 40.700 (2004), [ 108 ] 39.000 (2005), [ 108 ] a 38.600 en 2006. [ 108 ] Alemania proporcionó varios millones de euros para financiar "programas nacionales destinados a combatir el extremismo de ultraderecha, incluyendo equipos de consultores itinerantes y grupos de víctimas". [ 111 ] A pesar de estos hechos, el embajador israelí Shimon Stein advirtió en octubre de 2006 que los judíos en Alemania se sienten cada vez más inseguros, afirmando que "no pueden vivir una vida judía normal" y que la mayoría de las sinagogas o centros comunitarios judíos están rodeados de fuertes medidas de seguridad. [ 111 ] Yosef Havlin, rabino del Chabad Lubavitch en Frankfurt, no está de acuerdo con el embajador israelí y afirma en una entrevista con Der Spiegel en septiembre de 2007 que el público alemán no apoya a los grupos de ultraderecha; por el contrario, él ha experimentado personalmente el apoyo de los alemanes, y como judío y rabino "se siente bienvenido en su (ciudad natal) Frankfurt, no tiene miedo, la ciudad no es una zona prohibida". [ 112 ]

El Consejo Central de los Judíos en Alemania es la organización reconocida a nivel nacional para gestionar la comunidad judeoalemana.

A flagship moment for the burgeoning Jewish community in modern Germany occurred on 9 November 2006 (the 68th anniversary of Kristallnacht), when the newly constructed Ohel Jakob synagogue was dedicated in Munich, Germany.[113][114] This is particularly crucial given the fact that Munich was once at the ideological heart of Nazi Germany. Jewish life in the capital Berlin is prospering, the Jewish community is growing, the Centrum Judaicum and several synagogues—including the largest in Germany[115]—have been renovated and opened, and Berlin's annual week of Jewish culture and the Jewish Cultural Festival in Berlin, held for the 21st time, featuring concerts, exhibitions, public readings and discussions[116][117] can only partially explain why Rabbi Yitzhak Ehrenberg of the orthodox Jewish community in Berlin states: "Orthodox Jewish life is alive in Berlin again. [...] Germany is the only European country with a growing Jewish community."[10]

In spite of Germany's measures against right-wing groups and antisemites, a number of incidents have occurred in recent years. On 29 August 2012, in Berlin, Daniel Alter, a rabbi in visible Jewish garb, was physically attacked by a group of Arab youths, causing a head wound that required hospitalization. The rabbi was walking with his six-year-old daughter in downtown Berlin when the group asked if he was a Jew, and then proceeded to assault him. They also threatened to kill the rabbi's young daughter.[118][119][120] On 9 November 2012, the 74th Kristallnacht anniversary, neo-Nazis in Greifswald vandalized the city's Holocaust memorial. Additionally, a group of Jewish children was taunted by unidentified young people on the basis of their religion.[121]

El 2 de junio de 2013, un rabino fue agredido físicamente por un grupo de entre seis y ocho jóvenes de aspecto sureño en un centro comercial de Offenbach . El rabino tomó fotos de los atacantes con su teléfono móvil , pero la seguridad del centro comercial y la policía local le ordenaron que las borrara. El rabino salió del centro comercial, perseguido por sus atacantes, y un conocido lo llevó en coche. [ 122 ] En Salzwedel , también en 2013, vándalos pintaron esvásticas y las palabras «Hitler ahora» en las fachadas de las casas. [ 123 ]

A principios del siglo XXI, Alemania ha sido testigo de una importante migración de jóvenes judíos israelíes con estudios superiores que buscan oportunidades académicas y laborales, siendo Berlín su destino preferido. [ 124 ]

Véase también

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Sources

  • This article incorporates text from a publication now in the public domainSinger, Isidore; et al., eds. (1901–1906). "Germany". The Jewish Encyclopedia. New York: Funk & Wagnalls.
  • Ben-Sasson, Haim Hillel (2007). "Germany". In Skolnik, Fred; Berenbaum, Michael; Gafni, Shlomo S.; Gilon, Rachel (eds.). Encyclopaedia Judaica. Vol. 7 (2nd ed.). Detroit / Jerusalem: MacMillan Reference USA / Keter. pp. 352–363. ISBN 978-0-02-865935-0.
  • Berghahn, Volker Rolf (1994). Imperial Germany, 1871-1914: Economy, Society, Culture, and Politics. Berghahn Books. ISBN 978-1-57181-013-7. OCLC 647072809.
  • Dennis, Mike; LaPorte, Norman (2011). "Between Torah and Sickle: Jews in East Germany, 1945-1990". State and Minorities in Communist East Germany. Berghahn Books. ISBN 978-0-85745-196-5.
  • Elon, Amos (2002). The Pity of It All: A History of the Jews in Germany, 1743-1933. Macmillan. ISBN 978-0-8050-5964-9.
  • Friedländer, Saul (2007) [1997]. The Years of Persecution: Nazi Germany & the Jews 1933–1939. London: Phoenix.
  • Grady, Timothy L. (2017). A Deadly Legacy: German Jews and the Great War. Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-19204-9.
  • Peck, Jeffrey (2006). Being Jewish in the new Germany. New Brunswick, N.J: Rutgers University Press. ISBN 978-0-8135-3723-8.
  • Jewish Encyclopedia
  • Jewish Virtual Library
  • Jewish Museum Berlin

Further reading

  • Ascher, Abraham. A Community under Siege: The Jews of Breslau under Nazism. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2007
  • Bilski, Emily D., ed. Berlin metropolis: Jews and the new culture, 1890–1918. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999
  • Bookbinder, P (2008). "Reborn Jews: A New Jewish Community in Germany". Journal of the Historical Society. 8 (4): 503–522. doi:10.1111/j.1540-5923.2008.00258.x.
  • Brenner, Michael. The Renaissance of Jewish Culture in Weimar Germany. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1996.
  • Elon, Amos (2003). The Pity of It All: A Portrait of the German-Jewish Epoch, 1743–1933. Picador, USA.
  • Gay, Ruth. The Jews of Germany: A Historical Portrait. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992
  • Geller, Jay Howard. Jews in Post-Holocaust Germany . Cambridge, 2005
  • Gerlach, Christian (2016). The extermination of the European Jews. Cambridge, United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-70689-6.
  • Gidal, Nachum Tim. Jews in Germany: From Roman Times to the Weimar Republic. Heavily illustrated. 1998
  • Grenville, J.A.S. The Jews and Germans of Hamburg: The Destruction of a Civilization 1790–1945, 2011
  • Hertz, Deborah: "How Jews Became Germans: The History of Conversion and Assimilation in Berlin". New Haven: Yale University Press, 2007
  • Kaplan, Marion A., ed. Jewish Daily Life in Germany, 1618–1945. Oxford University Press, 2005.
  • Kaplan, Marion A. The Making of the Jewish Middle Class: Women, Family, and Identity in Imperial Germany. 1994.
  • Kaplan, Marion A. Between Dignity and Despair: Jewish Life in Nazi Germany. 1999.
  • Levy, Richard S., ed. Antisemitismo: Una enciclopedia histórica del prejuicio y la persecución . 2 vols. 2005
  • Lowenstein, Steven M. La comunidad judía de Berlín: Ilustración, familia y crisis, 1770-1830 . Oxford University Press, 1994.
  • Marcus, Ivan G. Cultura y sociedad judías en la Francia y Alemania medievales . Ashgate, 2014.
  • Meyer, Michael A. Los orígenes del judío moderno: identidad judía y cultura europea en Alemania, 1749-1824 . 1972
  • Meyer, Michael A., ed.: Historia germano-judía en tiempos modernos , vols. 1–4. Nueva York, 1996–1998:
    • Vol. 1 Tradición e Ilustración, 1600–1780
    • Vol. 2 Emancipación y aculturación, 1780–1871
    • Vol. 3 Integración en disputa, 1871–1918
    • vol. 4 Renovación y destrucción, 1918–1945
  • Pulzer, Peter GJ El auge del antisemitismo político en Alemania y Austria (2.ª ed., Harvard University Press, 1988)
  • Pulzer, Peter. Los judíos y el Estado alemán: Historia política de una minoría, 1848-1933 . Oxford, 1992.
  • Ragins, Sanford. Respuestas judías al antisemitismo en Alemania, 1870-1914: un estudio sobre la historia de las ideas . Hebrew Union College Press, 1980.
  • Schuler-Springorum, Stefanie (1999). " Asimilación y comunidad reconsideradas: la comunidad judía en Königsberg, 1871-1914". Estudios sociales judíos . 5 (3): 104-131 . doi : 10.1353/jss.1999.0008 . S2CID  201796942. Proyecto MUSE 18213 . 
  • Sorkin, David. La transformación de los judíos alemanes, 1780-1840 . Wayne State University Press, 1999.
  • Sorkin, David. Moisés Mendelssohn y la Ilustración religiosa . University of California Press, 1996.
  • Stern, Fritz . Oro y hierro: Bismarck, Bleichroder y la construcción del Imperio alemán (1979). El barón Bleichroder fue el líder judío más rico y poderoso.
  • Stern-Taeubler, Selma (1949). "Los judíos en la política económica de Federico el Grande". Estudios sociales judíos . 11 (2): 129– 152. JSTOR  4464809 .
  • Storm, Jill (1 de enero de 2010). Cultura e intercambio: Los judíos de Königsberg, 1700–1820 (Tesis). doi : 10.7936/K7T43R5J .
  • Tal, Uriel. Cristianos y judíos en Alemania: religión, política e ideología en el Segundo Reich, 1870-1914 . 1975
  • Van Rahden, Till. Jews and other Germans: civil society, religious diversity, and urban politics in Breslau, 1860–1925. University of Wisconsin Press, 2008
  • Wistrich, Robert S. Socialism and the Jews: The Dilemmas of Assimilation in Germany and Austria-Hungary. 1982

Historiography

  • Pulzer, Peter (June 1991). "New Books on German-Jewish History". Central European History. 24 (2–3): 176–186. doi:10.1017/S0008938900018926. JSTOR 4546201. S2CID 145786333.

In German

  • Berger, Michael (2006). Eisernes Kreuz und Davidstern – Die Geschichte Jüdischer Soldaten in Deutschen Armeen [Iron Cross and Star of David: The history of Jewish soldiers in the German Armies] (in German). Berlin: Trafo-Verlag. ISBN 3-89626-476-1. Chapters' summary (in English).
  • Christophersen, Jörn R. (2021). Krisen, Chancen und Bedrohungen. Studien zur Geschichte der Juden in der Mark Brandenburg während des späteren Mittelalters (13. bis Anfang des 16. Jahrhunderts) [Crises, Opportunities and Threats. Studies on the History of the Jews in the Magraviate of Brandenburg in the Late Middle Ages (13th to early 16th Century)] (in German). Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. ISBN 978-3-447-11710-4. (with an English Summary, pp. 719–727).
  • Elon, Amos (2003). Zu einer anderen Zeit: Porträt der jüdisch-deutschen Epoche (1743-1933) [The Pity of It All] (in German). München: Carl Hanser Verlag. ISBN 9783446202832.
  • Kauders, Anthony D.: Unmögliche Heimat. Eine deutsch-jüdische Geschichte der Bundesrepublik. Munich, 2007.
  • Rink, Thomas: Doppelte Loyalität: Fritz Rathenau als deutscher Beamter und Jude. Published by Georg Olms Verlag, 2002
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